The Globe and Mail - 16.10.2019

(Ron) #1

A14 O THEGLOBEANDMAIL| WEDNESDAY,OCTOBER16,


EDITORIAL


PHILLIPCRAWLEY
PUBLISHERANDCEO
DAVIDWALMSLEY
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

M


idway through the only official English-language
leaders’ debate, the party heads turned to Indige-
nous issues – and quickly got sidetracked into ar-

guing about pipelines.


That was understandable, but unfortunate. Understanda-

ble, because resource development always raises questions


about Indigenous rights. Unfortunate, because Indigenous


Canada’s future is about so much more than the pros and


cons of Trans Mountain.


Canada is one of the world’s richest countries, but the aver-

age Indigenous Canadian is not sharing in that prosperity.


Our common future has to be one where Indigenous Cana-


dians, whether on- or off-reserve, are at least as likely as other


Canadians to have graduated from high school and gone on


to college, apprenticeship or university. It has to be a future


where they are just as likely as other Canadians to enjoy mid-


dle-class incomes, good health and long lives.


Looking at the past four years, the Liberals can claim pro-

gress, marked by contradictions.


Take Indigenous child welfare. The Liberals worked to im-

prove outcomes, and the 2019 budget said Ottawa would


spend $1.2-billion over the next three years on better services


for First Nations children. The Liberals also passed Bill C-92,


to grapple with the fact so many Indigenous children are in


the child-welfare system.


But the Liberals are also seeking a judicial review of a Can-

adian Human Rights Tribunal ruling that found Ottawa dis-


criminated against Indigenous children on reserve by inade-


quately funding family services. Ottawa in court estimated


costs between $5-billion and $7.9-billion. The Conservatives


have said they, too, would appeal the ruling.


The Liberalgovernment has also made progress on anoth-

er chronic problem: the lack of clean water in some First Na-


tions communities. Thegovernment is spending close to $2-


billion to eliminate long-term advisories; the 2019 budget


said Canada is about halfway to the goal and on track to get


there by early 2021. Questions, however, remain. The Parlia-


mentary Budget Officer has said the Liberals are significantly


underestimating costs.


The Conservatives have several Indigenous promises in

the party platform: reviewinggovernment policies to “re-


move barriers to prosperity”; creating a minister in charge of


consultations on major projects; and supporting work to end


long-term boil-water advisories.


But what the Conservatives are most known for on this file

is their opposition to the United Nations Declaration on the


Rights of Indigenous Peoples, or UNDRIP. The UN declara-


tion has become a powerful symbol. The Liberals want to in-


corporate it into Canadian law; they promise, if re-elected, to


pass legislation within a year. The Greens and New Demo-


crats are similarly supportive.


The Conservatives are more wary. They have reason to be.
Under the Constitution, the Crown already has a signifi-

cant duty to consult and accommodate when Indigenous


rights are at stake. That’s why lengthy talks were required pri-


or to the approval of the Trans Mountain expansion – and


why the courts struck down the first approval, because of in-


adequate consultation. These are real and substantial legal


rights. But they are not a veto for affected communities, at


least under current law.


The question is whether making UNDRIP part of Canadian

law would change that.UNDRIP saysgovernments must ob-


tain Indigenous Peoples’ “free and informed consent prior to


the approval of any project affecting their lands.” It suggests


that just one community along the route of a project such as


Trans Mountain could block it, even if other Indigenous com-


munities were on board.


Some legal experts have suggested that UNDRIP’s lan-

guage does not grant such a veto, and may not even change


the Crown’s obligations under Canadian law. Some argue it is


purely symbolic and carries no legal weight – although the


Liberal platform explicitly criticizes the previous Conserva-


tivegovernment for saying exactly that.


There’s a lack of clarity on what UNDRIP means or what it

will do if it becomes part of Canadian law. That should be


cause for pause.


But what is clear is that Indigenous Canadians are still not

equal beneficiaries of Canada’s economic prosperity and that


much more work is needed. Getting stuck on pipeline argu-


ments is missing the point.


Indigenous


issuesandthe


2019election


ALBERTA VS. EVERYBODY?

Re Liberals Fire Up Anti-oil Rhet-
oric Despite Risk To National
Unity (Report on Business, Oct.
15): It seems Canadians do not
have to imagine what it is like to
have the Liberal Leader loudly
proclaim that, under his contin-
ued leadership, he will stand up
against Alberta’s Premier – one
who was recently elected with a
decisive majority.
While it is a fact of Canada that
there are disparate regional
strengths, needs and political
leanings, this feels like the first
time a political leader has resort-
ed to the divisive strategy of driv-
ing a wedge between a province
and the rest of the country to win
re-election. This is a line that,
now crossed, may be difficult to
walk back.
In the event that the Liberals
retain power, they stand to gov-
ern a severely broken confeder-
ation. To me, attacking Albertan
interests is one tactic too far.
David McClurgCalgary

KNOCK, KNOCK

Re Singh Opens Door To Coali-
tion To Keep Tories Out Of Power
(Oct. 14): Professor Donald Sa-
voie believes “it’s inappropriate
for the leader of any party to talk
coalition before Canadians have
spoken.” While the election is too
early to call, I believe it’s not pre-
mature for party leaders to ac-
knowledge current electoral
trends, one of the most notable
being the NDP’s recent spike in
The Globe and Mail’s Nanos poll.
By casting an eye to his party’s
possible parliamentary role after
election day, Jagmeet Singh is ac-
knowledging a scenario that
could rightly occur. A potential
kingmaker’s plan of how to gov-
ern, publicly laid out, should be
important for voters to know pri-
or to election day.
Canadians ultimately get final
say in how the next Parliament is
composed, but we need to be in-
formed beforehand.
Hedley MyersKingston

VOTE WITH YOUR HEART

Re Give Thanks For Our Annoy-
ing Democracy (Editorial, Oct.
14): In our democracy, can Cana-
dians really “vote our con-
science?” I know several people
who say, “I don’t want X in pow-
er, so I’m going to vote Y, because
it’s the best chance we have of
stopping X.”
If Canadians voted with their
heart in a truly democratic sys-
tem, we would have a minority
government made up of parties
X and Y, but also Z and maybe
one or two seats occupied by the
far-right or far-left. Then Cana-
dians would have a government
that represents the disparity
across the country and our poli-
ticians would have to compro-

mise to pass any legislation.
Tony BurtVancouver

OTHER OPTIONS

Re The Problem With Ottawa’s
Stand On ESOs (Report on Busi-
ness, Oct. 9): Early in their last
mandate, the Liberal govern-
ment attempted to increase the
tax rate on stock options. Their
plan faced resounding opposi-
tion from high-tech companies
and venture-capital firms, which
argued that it would severely dis-
advantage Canadian companies
competing in the global market-
place.
It seemed an odd move by the
Liberals, given the history be-
hind stock-option taxation. In
the late 1990s, then finance min-
ister Paul Martin astutely took
action to lower stock-option tax
rates to urgently tackle the very
real brain drain from Canada to
the United States. That change,
combined with other measures,
helped significantly to stem the
exodus.
In this election, economists
supporting Liberal policy argue
that stock-option tax rates
should be significantly increased.
This is a worrying proposition,
because it would take Canada
backward to the days when our
best and brightest talent readily
took their skills elsewhere.
Nicholas SwartKelowna, B.C.

CHRISTIAN VALUES

Re Christian-Canadian Voters Are
At A Crossroads (Oct. 14): When I
was 24, there was a federal elec-
tion in Canada. A blind neigh-
bour asked me to drive her to the
polling station.
When we got to there, I went
into the voting booth with her.
She told me how she wanted to
vote. I marked the ballot accord-
ingly – the only time in my life I
“voted” for this party. But it was
okay, because I was voting for my
neighbour.
I have carried that memory
with me all my life: In my imag-
ination, I take people with me to
the polls, casting a ballot with
them in mind. As a religious per-
son, I am offended by campaign
appeals to my self-interest. I want
to express my love and concern
for my neighbour in all aspects of
my life, including when I vote.
Tom SherwoodOttawa

DYING AND THE LAW

Re Standing Down (Letters, Oct.
15): I will scream this until the
day I die: Our political leaders
are out of order to not appeal the
Superior Court of Quebec’s deci-
sion that lifts restrictions on as-
sisted-dying laws.
Before anything else, Canada
should pass a bill to make elder
abuse a crime. Only then should
government be able to decide

whether to allow people with de-
mentia the right to an assisted
death.
Canada should protect us be-
fore planning our deaths.
Andrea MarcusToronto

Re A Chosen Death, In The Nick
Of Time (Oct. 12): My wife died of
early onset dementia at 61, after
being gripped by an irreversible
eight-year trajectory toward her
demise.
Along the way, she was stub-
born, uncontrollable, inconti-
nent, non-ambulatory, non-ver-
bal, and wound up breaking her
hip, requiring surgery. At the
end, the coroner decreed that
she starved to death, unable as
she was to chew solid food or
swallow liquid nutrients. In
short, her quality of life in her fi-
nal months was nothing anyone
would want to endure, despite
stoic efforts by her care team.
I assure University of Toronto
professor Trudo Lemmens, who
finds it worrisome that “we try to
focus on ending the life of people
with Alzheimer’s, rather than im-
proving quality of life,” that I’ve
seen the futility of his perspec-
tive: Death, drawn out and un-
dignified, patiently awaits. The
best way to reduce the worst suf-
fering, which comes in the pa-
tient’s final months, is to fully
implement assisted-dying laws
to provide true compassion,
sparing them from the horrific
hallmarks of a lonely, natural
death.
Bruce Rhodes
Richmond Hill, Ont.

CALL ME BY YOUR NAME

Re What’s In A Name? (First Per-
son, Oct. 11): Contributor J Mor-
gan Dick wrote that she had nev-
er met a Dyck before and im-
plored, “Dycks, do get in touch!”
So here I am.
We, too, laugh about filling a
conversational pause with spell-
ing our name out, something all
in the family do instinctively. My
spouse was even good enough to
take on our last name in mar-
riage!
In southern Manitoba, my
birthplace, Dycks are quite com-
mon. But even there, naming a
child “Harry” is only done by
those well outside contemporary
culture. In Ontario, people often
pronounce it like “dike,” which I
don’t bother correcting.
It has occurred to me that I
could change my name, maybe
to something indicative of my
profession as a bookbinder. But
so far, it is still an issue of pride I
can’t shake.
Timothy DyckDurham, Ont.

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