MONDAY, OCTOBER 21 , 2019. THE WASHINGTON POST EZ RE A
thorities to separate a dangerous
person from firearms.
However, when Northam
called a special legislative session
in July to take up gun control
measures, Jones voted with the
Republican majority to adjourn
after 90 minutes without debat-
ing any bills. All measures were
referred to a state crime commis-
sion for further study.
Jones has been campaigning
in the new parts of his district,
attending black churches and
community meetings. Most of the
faces in his TV ads and campaign
mailers are African American.
“People want me to say I’m
endorsing Clinton over Chris be-
cause of race or because he needs
our votes on that side of town,
but I’m voting for what helps our
community the most,” said
Chavez Mabry, 53, a local teacher
and organizer of the Suffolk Busi-
ness Men Group for African
American leaders. “This is not a
national stage, this is a local
stage. If he was Donald Trump, I
wouldn’t be voting for him, but
he’s Chris Jones, and I support
Chris Jones because I know what
he continues to do for our com-
munity.”
Still, Jones knows that change
is in the air.
Democrats have begun step-
ping up their support for Jenkins,
with former governor Terry
McAuliffe hosting a fundraiser
for him in Northern Virginia this
month. The Virginia House Dem-
ocratic Caucus pumped more
than $155,000 into Jenkins’s
campaign in September.
Last month, Jones sold Ben-
nett’s Creek Pharmacy, a casualty
of Medicare reimbursement pol-
icies and private insurance prac-
tices that have made the climate
tough for independent pharma-
cists.
For weeks, people around
town have been hugging him
when they see him. “It’s like
losing a member of your family,”
he said.
The pharmacy is mostly empty,
with “going out of business” signs
on the windows. Jones still works
out of his office in the back. The
experience has given him an air
of fatalism.
Speaking recently to the local
Rotary Club, Jones grew emo-
tional about both the pharmacy
and his political career.
“It’s been a privilege and an
honor for me to represent you in
Richmond,” he said. “Win, lose or
draw, I’m in the Lord’s hands.”
[email protected]
lunch.
“It’s all about forgiveness,” she
said.
Jones says he favors several
gun-control measures proposed
by Democrats, including closing
the gun-show loophole for back-
ground checks, requiring gun
owners to report lost or stolen
weapons, and some type of “red
flag” law that would allow au-
years in prison, got two college
degrees and had a successful
career working for the state cor-
rections system.
“I don’t think anybody could
ask for any more help to get over
the hump of feeling like you don’t
belong in society,” Kennon said of
Jones in an interview. Now 69
and retired, Kennon said she and
Jones still meet occasionally for
outcome of this thing will be,” he
said.
And Jones? “A fine young
man,” he said.
Jenkins said there’s one argu-
ment that will drive people to
vote for him: Jones is a member
of the same party as President
Trump.
“This is about not allowing the
current president’s policies to
filter into this area,” Jenkins said.
Reaching across the aisle
Jones himself is careful to
soften the partisan line. He
points out that he spent time in
the GOP wilderness, losing top
committee spots because he
broke with his party to support
tax increases under former gov-
ernors Mark R. Warner (D) and
Robert F. McDonnell (R).
“There are not many of me left,
those who reach across the aisle
to get things done,” he said.
Mary Hill, 59, went to high
school with Jones. She remem-
bers his father’s drugstore,
which opened in the village of
Chuckatuck in 1961, at the height
of the civil rights movement.
That drugstore served farmers
and watermen, black and white.
It had no separate bathrooms, no
separate lunch counter, recalled
Hill, who harvests oysters in the
black community of Hobson.
“We never thought about race,”
she said.
Although she is a lifelong
Democrat, Hill said she will vote
for Jones. “I vote for who is going
to represent the people, and he
has always represented the peo-
ple,” she said.
Jones has drawn howls from
Democrats because he’s been
highlighting his 2018 vote to
expand Medicaid to about
400,000 low-income residents,
something he had voted against
for years.
Jones is among the first Re-
publicans to actually run on the
issue, and said his role as a
pharmacist has made him under-
stand the need to expand health-
care coverage.
“I never was a hard ‘no.’ I
always said you have to fix it
before you expand it,” he said.
That entailed creating work in-
centives for recipients.
Jones also has a unique per-
spective on the gun-control issue
that flared up this year following
the May 31 mass shooting in
Virginia Beach, in which a man
killed 12 people at a municipal
building.
Jones bought a gun long ago,
after the first time his pharmacy
was robbed. In 1987, it was held
up again, this time by a white,
middle-class mother named Sue
Kennon who was addicted to
prescription drugs. As she
pointed a gun at him, Jones
drew a pistol from under the
counter and shot her in the
shoulder.
Kennon begged him to kill her,
saying she wanted to die. Instead,
he called the police. In the years
since, the two have stayed in
regular contact through letters,
calls and visits. She served 15
about my way and do my thing.”
He is pressing Jones on some
issues — crying foul about a TV
ad in which Jones takes credit for
leading the effort to pass Medic-
aid expansion in 2018. Republi-
cans fought expansion for years,
and Jones voted against it several
times — though he did help
broker the deal with Gov. Ralph
Northam (D) that finally passed
it.
Jenkins said his opponent fo-
cuses on big business and doesn’t
understand why working people
need better transit to get to jobs
in far-flung parts of Hampton
Roads, or why East Suffolk neigh-
borhoods need help with huge
drainage ditches that attract
mosquitoes and snakes. He said
Jones has joined other Republi-
cans in opposing gun restrictions
that would stem the tide of vio-
lence.
And Jones has been “selective
about who he wants to serve,”
Jenkins said, noting that Jones
led the Republican effort to draw
legislative districts in 2011 — the
plan that federal judges struck
down this year as racially gerry-
mandered.
Even though the downtown
neighborhoods were carved out
of the Suffolk district before
Jones took office, Jenkins
charged that he had the power to
put them back. Jones responded
that the Justice Department un-
der President Barack Obama ap-
proved his map, and that it would
not have allowed him to pull the
black precincts out of the neigh-
boring majority-black district.
Jenkins appears strong in
those African American neigh-
borhoods, where many people
know him and his mother.
“I’m being called to give people
a voice, an opportunity to sit at
the table,” he said.
In the Lake Kennedy subdivi-
sion one weekday morning, an
elderly man driving a pickup
stopped when he saw Jenkins.
“I’m voting for you!” he shouted
from the window.
Jenkins approached one house
and called to resident Gloria
Whitfield through her screen
door. “Can I count on you?” he
said.
“Go ahead, boy. You know I got
you,” she replied.
Deacon Eddie Hicks, 84, has
worked on several civic groups
with Jenkins. He has also known
Jones for decades and calls him
“a good man.”
“But it’s time for this man
now,” he said, nodding to Jen-
kins.
Jenkins hasn’t lined up all the
leaders in the black community,
though. Several pastors have en-
dorsed Jones. And though Jen-
kins urged a reporter to call City
Council member Curtis Milteer
for a reference, Milteer said in an
interview that he’s not commit-
ted.
“I’m not involved in that race,”
said Milteer, 88, who is African
American and has served on the
council for 39 years. Jenkins “has
run for several offices and never
won, so I don’t know what the
against Jones. Only one candi-
date raised his hand — real estate
broker Clinton Jenkins — and his
state paperwork was late, so ini-
tially he didn’t qualify for the
ballot. Over the summer, Jenkins
raised about $60,000, mostly
from big party donors — one-
tenth the amount Jones had on
hand.
“It’s almost as if Democrats are
making a halfhearted effort to
challenge Chris Jones,” said
Christopher Newport University
political analyst Quentin Kidd.
“My gut tells me it’s because of his
position in the community.”
Democrats across Virginia are
nationalizing races, reminding
voters of what they call dysfunc-
tion in Washington and bringing
in outside money and organizers
to rally support.
Jones is doing the opposite.
As a pharmacist, and son of a
pharmacist, Jones has personal
connections to his constituents.
His career in municipal govern-
ment — which is nonpartisan —
made him familiar throughout
the sprawling city, a patchwork of
rural villages, strip-mall suburbs
and an ailing industrial down-
town. Now, as chairman of the
Virginia House Appropriations
Committee, Jones controls the
state’s purse strings as much as
any one person can.
If Jones loses, it will be at least
partly because he never truly
represented his entire hometown
in the statehouse. The poorest
sections — low-income black
neighborhoods that didn’t even
have indoor toilets when Jones
was a young City Council mem-
ber — had been carved out and
added to a district in the neigh-
boring city of Chesapeake.
The new map restores those
neighborhoods to the Suffolk dis-
trict. Jenkins, 57, who is African
American, grew up in that part of
town — literally across the rail-
road tracks from the white side.
He said he remembers having to
use the outdoor privy in cold
weather as a child.
“He may have the money,”
Jenkins said of Jones, “but I’ve
got the people.”
In that case, the trick is figur-
ing out how to get them all to
show up and vote.
‘I know he can be beat’
Suffolk is, geographically, the
largest city in Virginia, sprawling
across 400 square miles. But it’s
really a collection of very differ-
ent communities. Old downtown
Suffolk, where Jenkins grew up,
runs alongside the Great Dismal
Swamp and is about 14 miles
from the North Carolina line. It’s
surrounded by farms and criss-
crossed by railroads that wind
past peanut-processing factories.
Jenkins was born in Philadel-
phia. His father left when he was
about 4 years old, and his mother
moved the family to Suffolk. They
had little money.
“I remember the days I
couldn’t wait to get to school
because that was my meal,” he
said. “That breakfast, that lunch.
... And then on Fridays the
cafeteria workers would slip you
a bag with food.”
Jenkins played football in high
school, then joined the Army. He
spent years pursuing a college
degree and moving among jobs
for military contractors, he said.
He got married, had four kids
and wound up back in Suffolk,
investing in real estate and sell-
ing it.
He has been active with neigh-
borhood civic groups, and
through them joined a local Dem-
ocratic committee. His wife, Kar-
en, won a seat last fall on the city
school board, but Jenkins himself
has never won elective office. He
ran for the City Council and came
in third out of three candidates.
Challenging Jones is not some-
thing Jenkins envisioned. “I had
no desire to run for this position
— had no desire,” he said. Others
in the community approached
him, he said.
After his stumble in getting on
the ballot — he blamed it on a
mix-up with an email to the state
— Jenkins got off to a significant
head start with campaign signs,
which he and volunteers have
plastered all over downtown and
along some of the major roads.
His headquarters on the first
floor of a ramshackle Victorian
house is festooned with signs and
flags.
Told that the numbers in the
new district appear to give him
good odds of winning, Jenkins
seemed taken aback.
“You think so?” he said, then
gathered himself. “I know he can
be beat. I’m just hoping he takes
it for granted and lets me go
VIRGINIA FROM A
Control
of Virginia
legislature
is at stake
PHOTOS BY GREGORY S. SCHNEIDER/THE WASHINGTON POST
Del. Chris Jones (R-Suffolk), bottom left, is facing a challenge from real estate broker Clinton Jenkins (D), bottom right, in a Virginia
district that has new boundaries after a federal court said the old map was racially gerrymandered. Although the district went from a
12-point edge for Republicans to a 15-point edge for Democrats, it’s not shaping up to be an easy one to flip.
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