eye.
In elections past, none of this mattered, because unions were influential in delivering
white working-class votes for Democrats in key states, notably Michigan. But unions’
strength has contracted, from a third of the workforce 50 years ago to 6.4% of the private
workforce today.^286 The political impact of unions’ decreased strength cannot be
overestimated. And with unions so embattled, they have less money to fund massive get-
out-the-vote efforts. In 2016, union leaders openly worried about Trump’s strength even
among union members. Most astonishing is that one out of five members of the American
Federation of Teachers voted for Trump,^287 despite the Republican assault on teachers’
unions, particularly in Wisconsin. Most of the country’s largest labor unions endorsed
Clinton as early as 2015, yet many union members voted for Trump. One article quotes a
union member: “Growing up we were very strong Democrats, but the Democrat party left
us,” he said, and “the unions have left us, too.”^288 Working-class whites blame not only
government but also unions for the loss of good jobs.
Is this just “false consciousness”? Not really. The working class just wants what the
professional elite already has: jobs that sustain them in their vision of a middle-class life.
“The thing that really gets me is that Democrats try to offer policies (paid sick leave!
minimum wage!) that would help the working class,” a friend wrote me right after Trump
was elected.
A few days’ paid leave ain’t gonna support a family. Nor is minimum wage. Working-
class men aren’t interested in working at McDonald’s for $15/hour instead of $9.50.
What they want is a job that paves the way to a modest middle-class standard of living.
Trump was the first politician in a long time to promise that. Many voters deeply
appreciated the fact that at least he understood what they need.
- Why Are Democrats Worse at Connecting with the White Working Class Than Republicans?