A24 SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2019 SS LATIMES.COM
OP-ED
S
tories of asylum seekers crowd my
thoughts.
There’s Thomas, from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, who’s been in custody
at Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego
for two years and eight months, after his escape from
an oppressive regime that has detained hundreds of
pro-democracy and human rights activists. There’s
Andres, who fled gangs in El Salvador, holding on to
his evangelical faith to ease the pain of separation
from his family and his inability to inform them as to
how or where he is. From Eritrea, there’s Fxum, who
fled because “my country is bad condition and the
government is dictator. ... I run away to save my life in
America.”
But none of them are saved.
I know something of their stories because for the
last four months, I’ve been a letter writing volunteer
with Detainee Allies, an advocacy group that, among
other things, matches people like me with men and
women in ICE detention at Otay Mesa. They see my
letters via email; I read theirs posted weekly (full
names redacted) on a private Google drive where re-
sponses to all the volunteers’ letters are shared. I
can’t get the detainees out of custody or argue their
asylum cases, but writing letters to support them is
something I can do.
I learn the nightmares they are fleeing, the tex-
ture of their lives. They learn that there is a commu-
nity that will not let them remain voiceless, name-
less, disappeared behind Immigration and Customs
Enforcement prisons such as Otay Mesa, run by
CoreCivic, a corporation that describes itself on its
website as offering “governmental real estate solu-
tions.”
One detainee, Horacio, explains in a letter that
his favorite music group is the Bee Gees and that he
loves Clint Eastwood, a “very good actor for Western
movies.” He knows American movies because his
parents brought him to the U.S. when he was 16 years
old. He took English classes and harvested broccoli,
strawberries, cauliflower and artichokes in the Sa-
linas Valley. He says he is terrified of being sent to
Mexico, “where massive killings are happening.” He
eases his correspondent’s worries that an account of
summer travels will only make him feel worse:“I can imagine everything in my mind about
what you do every day in your house and believe me
I know where Maine is I know the names of all the
states of USA ... sometime I used to go to those cities
that are by the sea like Monterey, Santa Cruz just to
take walks and to talk with the American people that
honestly were and are very nice and kind and I re-
member I loved to make conversation with that peo-
ple just to improve my English [... ] people in that
area are honestly so sweet and is always are willing
to help you I know that most of the American people
are like that, I can say that because through the
years that I lived here I had such a good memories
with the people from this country,”A young man named Mohammed writes that he
was tortured in his home country of Yemen. His let-
ter includes what he wants to convey to his asylum
judge, should he ever have the opportunity to appear
before one:Honorable Judge,
I hope that you will give me the right of protection
and let me live in this country like any citizen. For I
pledge to you that I will serve this country and will
work to build it up night and day and will take care
of it as I take care of the pupil of my eye, and I will be
a trustworthy watchman for it and contributing
member of society, not a destructive one.In August , representatives from Detainee Allies
joined a delegation from the California Legislative
Jewish Caucus that was granted rare access into
Otay Mesa. I read their report. What the detainees
told them was gut-wrenching and well-known by
now — Customs and Border Protection kept them in
freezing holding cells (hieleras), sometimes with
lights on 24/7 and nothing but a Mylar wrap and a ¼”
pad cushioning them from the cold concrete.
At Otay Mesa, refugees and asylum seekers have
extremely limited access to legal help, family and the
outside world in general; they report racist guards,
medical neglect and solitary confinement as a pun-
ishment. CoreCivic, the nation’s largest owner of
partnership detention facilities, denies it all.
Out of 1,412 inmates in federal detention at Otay
Mesa in August, 978 were ICE detainees, from 73 dif-
ferent countries, according to Detainee Allies. They
were paid about $1/day to join a “voluntary” labor
program, working as janitors, landscapers and in the
laundry, which has to represent a cost savings for
CoreCivic. For the first quarter of 2019, the corpora-
tion reported a year-to-year 31% increase in net in-
come.
I struggle each week to think how to bolster the
spirits of someone who has endured CBP and ICE
detention conditions in a nation founded on the idea
of offering safe haven to those fleeing persecution or
violence. That need for refuge is part of my own fam-
ily history — my father and my grandparents fled
Russia during a civil war in 1921, starting a new life in
the United States.
What can I tell Esperanza, a young Guatemalan,
detained at Otay Mesa for two months and 22 days,
who writes, “I came because my country of violence is
too much today only God knows our suffering. I hope
to get out.”
I describe to Esperanza the Lights for Liberty
demonstration in downtown Los Angeles in July,
how the crowd shined flashlights up toward those
slits that pass for windows in the Metropolitan De-
tention Center, where ICE houses some migrants.
Lights inside the tower blinked on and off in re-
sponse. I was there as the crowd of a thousand Ange-
lenos chanted up to them: “No estas solo!” You are
not alone.Louise Steinmanfounded the Aloud lecture series at the Los Angeles Public Library and curated it for 25
years. She is the author of “The Souvenir: A Daughter Discovers Her Father’s War.” San Diego State
University maintains an archive of Detainee Allies letters that have been cleared for online publication.PEOPLE held by ICE have little access to legal help or the outside world.Nelvin C. CepedaSan Diego Union-TribuneWriting letters to detainees
We can’t argue their asylum cases, but we can show support
By Louise SteinmanC
onspiracy theories
have been a part of U.S.
politics since the coun-
try was formed. But to-
day they have enveloped
American politics.
There are so many conspiracy
allegations that they have begun to
collide with each other — as hap-
pened last month when Twitter lit
up after the suicide of sexual pred-
ator Jeffrey Epstein. One set of
tweeters insisted, without any ba-
sis, that the Clintons were behind
Epstein’s death, while others, with
equal lack of evidence, were certain
it was President Trump who con-
spired to have him killed.
What makes today’s storm of al-
legations different — and impos-
sible to ignore — is the role of the
president in formulating and pro-
moting them.
Trump’s conspiracy theorist
mindset was clear long before his
election, with his intransigent em-
brace of birtherism. From Day 2 of
his presidency — when he claimed
that the National Park Service had
doctored photographs of his inau-
gural crowd — it was clear he would
make unfounded conspiracy theo-
ries a centerpiece of his style of gov-
ernance. Still, they never cease to
shock.
If presidential conspiracy theo-
ries were all wild talk, the assault
on common sense would be bad
enough. But Trump goes a step fur-
ther: using unsubstantiated con-
spiracy theories to delegitimize key
democratic institutions.
Trump assaulted the chairman
of the Federal Reserve, saying: “My
only question is, who is our bigger
enemy, Jay Powell or [China’s]
Chairman Xi.” He asserted that
the Obama administration en-
gaged in an “all hands on deck”
conspiracy against him, enlisting
“DOJ/FBI/NSA/CIA/State,” and
that the “the real Collusion, the
Conspiracy, the Crime was be-
tween the Clinton Campaign, the
DNC, Fusion GPS, Christopher
Steele...and on and on!”
The president sees conspiracies
everywhere of “the Deep State and
the Left, and their vehicle, the Fake
News Media,” and he insists they
are working to undermine him and
therefore the nation. His tweets
rage about the “traitorous” Demo-
cratic Party, citing both small is-
sues and large. He railed about
Democrats in Congress failing to
applaud at the State of the Union
address. And he accused them of
deliberately undermining national
security. “I think what the Demo-
crats are doing with the Border is
TREASONOUS.” This most basic
institution of representative demo-
cracy — regular party rivalry with
its idea of a loyal opposition — is
under threat.
Trump’s conspiratorial views
have had real consequences. In
some cases, institutions and fund-
ing have been diverted from their
intended missions to address is-
sues raised by the president’s con-
spiracy-mongering, as when the
military was diverted from its ap-
propriate operations and training
and sent to the southern border to
deter, as Trump tweeted at the
time, “very bad thugs and gang
members.”
On occasion, Trump has cre-
ated whole new institutions to
serve his views. When then-Direc-
tor of National Intelligence Dan
Coats’ annual threat assessment
identified climate change as a secu-
rity threat, for example, a commis-
sion was created to “reexamine”
the finding, and a physicist who lik-
ens the demonization of carbon di-
oxide to Hitler’s demonization of
the Jews was appointed to head it.
Repeatedly, Trump has re-
placed key officials who don’t em-
brace his conspiracy views with
those who do. Two months after
taking over for Atty. Gen. Jeff Ses-
sions, William Barr told the Senate
Appropriations Committee he be-
lieved that intelligence agencies
had spied on the Trump campaign,
something earlier investigations
had failed to show. “I think spying
did occur,” the attorney general
said. “It’s a big deal, it’s a big deal.”
The Washington Post called
Barr’s allegation “a startling
assertion” that echoed “unsub-
stantiated claims President
Trump has made,” and The Los
Angeles Times noted he was re-
peating a “provocative charge lev-
eled by Trump to denounce the
court-approved surveillance of a
former member of his campaign.”
Entire aspects of government
have been circumvented or ren-
dered impotent in service of
Trump’s conspiracies, most omi-
nously in foreign affairs. Trump
has repeatedly assaulted intelli-
gence officers, national security ex-
perts and diplomats as elements of
a nefarious “deep state” or as libe-
ral proponents of a “new world or-
der” designed to weaken the na-
tion. Foreign relations are now con-
ducted outside of regular proc-
esses — such as Trump’s
unmonitored, unrecorded ex-
changes with Russian President
Vladimir Putin. Official diplomatic
channels have been abandoned
and there is little congressional
oversight.
This wreckage of normal order
— institutions derailed, invented,
hijacked and circumvented — adds
up to the delegitimization of demo-
cratic government itself.
How do we pull back from what
is becoming a dire situation? As
Americans, we need to demand
facts and call out officials who em-
brace unfounded conspiracy theo-
ries. We need to pressure our repre-
sentatives in Congress to protect
crucial institutions by acting deci-
sively to defend the integrity of
democratic government. And, ulti-
mately, we need to exercise our
right to vote — and use it to de-
mand truth.Russell Muirheadis a professor
of government at Dartmouth
College. Nancy L. Rosenblumis a
professor of government at
Harvard University. They are the
authors of “A Lot of People are
Saying: The New Conspiracism
and the Assault on Democracy.”The damage done by
a president peddling
conspiracy theories
By Russell Muirhead
and Nancy L. Rosenblum
her intense tantrum phase, a
shock because she’d been an an-
gelic 2-year-old. I consulted her
wry pediatrician, Harvey Karp,
who would later go on to fame as
the best-selling author of the
“Happiest Baby” series of parent-
ing books.
Karp always had the answers.
Unlike 2-year-olds, who are clue-
less about their place in the uni-
verse, he explained, 3-year-olds
have started to grasp that they are
tiny and powerless, which creates
anxiety, which can lead to out-
bursts.
He gave me a few tips, then
added: “If all that fails, you simply
have to go to the next step.”
“Which is?” I asked.
“Putting them in the micro-
wave.”
The deluge of outraged mail
accusing me (and Karp) of advo-
cating child abuse confirmed what
my English professor father had
always warned: Unless you are a
writer the caliber of Jonathan
Swift, satire is difficult to pull off.
I still think that microwave joke
was funny, though.::
Like the politics of so many
urban, coastal Californians, mine
are left-of-center.
Here are a few things I believe:
The job of government is to
improve people’s lives. Corpora-
tions run the show. Gay and trans-
gender people deserve equal
rights. Racism, misogyny and
patriarchy must be smashed, but
never will be.I
think I’ve doneeverything
at this paper except cover
sports.
I’ve been a feature writer,
a culture writer, a national
reporter, a section editor. I’ve
covered mass shootings, hurri-
canes, political campaigns, presi-
dential conventions, Oscars, Em-
mys and film festivals.
I’ve written travel stories, obit-
uaries and celebrity profiles.
But my favorite post is col-
umnist, an assignment I’ve had at
this paper, on and off, since 1992. It
is a dream job.
Your work is to help make sense
of this messy, beautiful world. You
get to tell readers what you think,
and why. You try to persuade,
engage, enlighten and inform. All
of it is an honor.
I am not immune to criticism,
but I have a very thick skin. You
may call me a bedbug, or worse. It
won’t hurt my feelings and I won’t
try to get you fired.
When I wrote for the California
section, a recurring complaint
from readers was that my political
views had no place in the news
pages.
“You should be on the opinion
page,” they would say.
I have good news for the critics:
The Los Angeles Times has finally
put me in my place. I’ll be appear-
ing as an opinion columnist on
Sundays and Wednesdays.
::
My first Times column ran inthe old feature section — “View,”
which became “Life & Style” before
its final incarnation as “Southern
California Living.” All those format
and name changes were, in retro-
spect, a harbinger of the news-
paper industry woes to come. Try
as we might, we would find no
magic formula to increase reader-
ship and advertising. The digital
revolution upended all of that.
In the early days, I explored
what many people would call
women’s issues: sexual assault and
abuse, reproductive rights, do-
mestic violence, workplace dis-
crimination and of course, parent-
ing. They aren’t really women’s
issues, of course. They are human
issues, but my male counterparts
here never seemed especially
interested in those topics, so I had
a lot of running room.
I also wrote about my personal
life, hoping that my struggles and
joys would resonate with readers,
or at least keep them entertained.
The greatest compliment I ever
got was when readers told me
they’d clipped my column and
taped it to their fridge. (Does
anyone do that anymore?)
Nora Ephron’s admonition —
“everything is copy” — was my
motto.
You soon learn, however, that
everything cannotbe copy; in the
interest of marital harmony, for
example, I gave my then-husband
veto power over anything I wrote
about him. He exercised his power
judiciously.
My daughter, thankfully, was
fair game. She couldn’t read yet.
When she was 3, I wrote aboutThe Supreme Court’s Citizens
United decision was a disaster.
Freedom of speech is seriously
endangered on college campuses.
You can hate the way Israel
treats Palestinians and not be an
anti-Semite.
Republicans only care about
deficits when Democrats are
president. If Sarah Palin had
looked like Margaret Thatcher, she
never would have made it out of
the Alaska governor’s mansion.
I do not consider the label
“secular humanist” an insult; it is
entirely possible to be a moral and
ethical person without relying on
religion, or believing in God.
President Trump is a cold-
hearted con man who is not just
ill-suited to the presidency, but
dangerous to the world order. I
hold with New Yorker editor David
Remnick, who, shortly after
Trump was elected, said the whole
thing felt like a “hallucination.”
Still does.
We do not need a wall on our
southern border, we are not being
invaded by Mexicans and Central
Americans, and separating chil-
dren from their parents who are
seeking a better life is betrayal ofthe principles on which this coun-
try was founded.
No one should own military-
style weapons; if you want to shoot
an assault rifle, join the Army.
When it comes to our epidemic of
mass shootings, mental illness,
ideology and alienation may play a
part. But the availability of these
guns is the irreducible cause.
I pray every day for the good
health of Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
Anita Hill and Christine Blasey
Ford are heroes.
Over time, my thinking on
some issues has evolved.
After covering the abortion
wars for many years, including the
2009 assassination of Kansas
late-term abortion doctor George
Tiller, I no longer couch abortion
as something that is tragic but
necessary. It’s not tragic; it’s a
social good. It allows women to
control their lives.
I accept that vaccines have
injured a vanishingly small num-
ber of children, but I am appalled
by parents who place their feelings
and fears above science. Gov.
Gavin Newsom should sign the
new state bill that puts greater
scrutiny on medical exemptions.
I don’t stop talking to people
just because they disagree with me.
I have spent endless hours in con-
versation with people who sin-
cerely believe abortion is murder or
that vaccines are poison.
One last thing: I will not argue
with you about tacos. There are
already enough people at this
newspaper doing that.@AbcarianLATI pray for RBG (and other confessions)
ROBIN ABCARIAN
I have good news for
the critics: The Times
has finally put me in
my place — as an
opinion columnist.