Section:GDN 12 PaGe:7 Edition Date:190906 Edition:01 Zone: Sent at 5/9/2019 17:03 cYanmaGentaYellowblac
- The Guardian
Friday 6 September 2019 7
teams and stop prosecutors using
videos as evidence in court , OFB
have soared to hood stardom. Like
all drill collectives starting out, they
garnered most of their popularity
via crisply fi lmed music videos
on YouTube, including Purge and
Reality. Their fi rst mixtape, Front
Street, is out at Halloween. The
group’s steep upward trajectory
shows how drill has become a source
of empowerment and income for
poor, black British teenage boys
facing a vacuum of prospective
career opportunities, unaddressed
trauma from impoverished home
lives and combat on the roads, and
the daily ritual of disproportionate
police attention.
OFB’s most acclaimed anthem
is called Ambush , in which the
three members go back-to-back
in shortened bursts of bars, as if
fi ghting for space over a pirate radio
set. It has enabled them to stand
out from the fi ercely competitive,
citywide ecosystem of drillers.
“Now, after that song, I’m seeing
everyone else come on that back-
to-back ting,” Bandokay says. “But
it’s calm because I understand
that’s the game – everyone learns
off each other.”
In May, the song’s video, fi lmed
among the warren of walkways
and car parks of Broadwater Farm,
was removed from YouTube. It
had been watched more than 2m
times. This sort of obstacle became
commonplace for drill artists, as the
Metropolitan police pursued a vague
crackdown on videos they deem to
be inciting violence ( this summer,
YouTube announced it would no
longer be deleting drill videos, but
would continue to work with police
to “take action when needed”).
In response, under Densu’s
guidance, OFB edited out any
potentially provocative references
to specifi c places, individuals and
events before re-uploading the
video. In July, with no warning
or explanation, the group’s
own YouTube channel – a core
infrastructural tool for any drill
outfi t trying to succeed in the
industry – was deleted for a day
before being reinstated.
I ask the pair what they feel about
drill’s censorship. “I do get where
they’re coming from, so man just
has to lower it down, so everyone
can vibe to it and there aren’t any
complaints,” Bandokay replies.
“Obviously, some things are going to
provoke people. But it just depends
on how people take it. Some people
hear their name being called out,
and they don’t care. Some people
may take it to the bottom of their
heart.” One of the main drivers
of drill artists’ popularity is their
willingness to call out “opps”, or
rivals, entertaining fans tracing
the music’s social drama – and, to
its critics, prompting potentially
violent disputes. But like other
experimenters making reformed
iterations of the genre – dance-
themed such as Russ’s Gun Lean ,
polished and playful such as Digga
D’s No Diet or positive/spiritual,
such as the church-cum-rap group
Hope Dealers (a drill collective who
rap about being Christians) – OFB are
keen to move away from that norm.
“We’re switching it up, doing clean
music and trying to get to the better
side of everything.”
This need to get to the “better
side” is crucial. Some drill artists
have been suspected and convicted
of violent crimes. But it should
not be assumed that the music
is dangerous in and of itself; nor
is its existence surprising as an
undeniable expression of the
truths of the artists’ lives, if we
acknowledge the dark conditions
from which it stems.
The stories told in drill lyrics
are often horrifi c: returning home
fi lthy after spending a week dealing
drugs in a faraway coastal town;
cleaning your enemy’s blood from
your mum’s kitchen knife with hot
water and bleach; feeling scared and
clumsy the fi rst time you fi re a gun;
suspecting that the hard pillow of
a prison cell bunk bed is giving you
acne. But they are also exactly what
makes the music so rich as a cultural
resource that ought to be mined, not
shunned or demonised by educators
and policymakers.
D rill is a uniquely
clear window through which to
see where cities and youth culture
are heading in austerity Britain,
where council and state school
budgets, police forces, and youth
services have been slashed. When
more than 4.5 million children
live in poverty, the temptation for
teenagers of getting quick money
in the illicit drug economy is
stronger than ever, and exploitative
“ county lines ” networks are leaving
vulnerable young people and their
families devastated.
School exclusions have risen ,
leading to the oversubscription
of pupil referral units (PRUs) and
other alternative provisions , which
already struggle to intercept the
conveyor belt to prison. These forces
are churning out disengaged young
people – disproportionately boys
of colour – who have little hope for
a bright future, despite living in the
fi fth largest economy in the world.
“I didn’t get to experience school
like normal people,” Bandokay says.
“Soon after I lost my dad, I started
secondary school, but I got kicked
out three months after because
I couldn’t control my behaviour.” He
subsequently attended several PRUs
and spent little time in a consistent
educational setting. I ask if he ever
felt properly supported by any
services throughout this period,
and he shakes his head. As a youth
worker, I have met countless boys
who have experienced similar
patterns of derailment from a young
age and who therefore struggle to
meet the pressurising demands of
their pastorally underresourced,
exams-focused academy schools.
“I’m still smart, though ... don’t
get it twisted!” Bandokay adds
with a smirk.
Does the pair understand why
people show concern about drill
lyrics? “People who are not used to
listening to this type of music think
we are talking mad,” Bandokay says.
“But if you actually know me, and
know what I’ve been through, then
you know where I’m coming from,
and you’ll be proud of me.” He looks
up over my shoulder to acknowledge
the arrival of his uncle, Marlon
Duggan – Mark’s younger brother –
who takes a seat on the wall next to
me. “People who understand this
music, like my uncle, are proud of
me. If it wasn’t for music, I don’t
know what I’d be doing. I don’t know
how I’d be earning my money. It’s
keeping me out of jail. I thank God
things are changing, you feel me?”
I say my goodbyes and stand up
to leave, passing a group of men
fl icking pound coins on to the
ground, trying to land them close
to a brick wall. Densu leads me out.
“A positive story can come out of
this,” he says, picking up his phone –
probably someone making an
inquiry about OFB.
Bandokay
on the
Broadwater
estate
A shot
from the
video
Purge
PHOTOGRAPHS TRISTAN BEJAWN; YOUTUBE
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