Wired UK – September 2019

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force driving the tech giants to confront
these problems – an often public-spirited
and noble force, and the only thing to
have any impact. But we cannot spend
the next ten years doing the same.
First, telling the tech giants to sort out
the problems they’ve caused just makes
them more powerful, with enormous
latitude to both define the problem
and work out solutions. We have asked
them to become counter-radicalisation
specialists. Social cohesion experts.
Digital literacy trainers. Cybercrime
police. Guardians of open journalism.
In some cases, the arbiter of truth itself.
This simply isn’t what private
companies are set up to do. They lack
the accountability, democratic oversight
or public transparency to make morally
hazardous distinctions like defining fake
news. Especially when those distinctions
can transform the global news diet.
We need to remind ourselves that tech
companies are profit-maximising entities
with fiduciary duties to investors. They
have earnings calls. They need to return
dividends. They need to show capital
appreciation. The solutions they propose
are business decisions as much as moral
ones. In a clash of incentives, they are
always going to pick growth over safety,
and engagement over decency. It’s not
because they’re evil: they’re companies
like any other, trying to make money
within the law – because that is actually
what their legal responsibility is.
Reform through embarrassment is also

incredibly iniquitous to the countries and
communities that cannot embarrass the
tech giants. Facebook has been active in
fighting electoral interference in America,
Germany and the UK. But the story is very
different if you’re in Georgia or Kosovo.
Smaller markets, less widely spoken
languages – or just people who aren’t
journalists, politicians, or celebrities –
always lose out when the enforcement
of basic standards and rules boils down
to corporate reputation-management.
The rich, visible and powerful tend to be
protected in this arrangement.
Finally, moralising the tech giants is a
distraction from what actually has to be
done: reforming the moral architecture
outside them. We need a re-organisation
of the police so that they can act as easily
across borders as the online criminals
they are trying to catch. We need a surge
of librarians and teachers to teach people
how to sort out truth and lies online. The
UK’s Competition and Markets Authority
has to redefine the nature of monopoly
in the digital age. To respond to infor-
mation warfare, we need new multilateral
treaties, sanctions and a robust idea of
what a “just” war using information is.
Right now, we have none of these things.
When the activities of the tech giants
themselves need to be shaped, public
embarrassment must be replaced by clear
laws that protect everybody. Laws, for
instance, that clearly define platforms’
responsibilities during elections, or what
is legal to say or not say on social media.
Laws that force trans-
parency of political adver-
tising or how much money
each platform needs to
spend on moderation. The
EU and a series of countries,
including the UK, have
become more active here –
but there are still more legal
gaps than plans to fill them.
Refreshing our moral
order for the digital age
does not boil down to
corporate social respon-
sibility, or to shaming a
specific industry into doing
a specific thing. It’s down to
all the rest of us. We need to
stop trying to turn private companies
into something they’re not, and start
building a new moral, institutional and
legal order to express the values, rights
and standards that we hold, and extend
them into the digital realm. It’s not about
whether Mark Zuckerberg is good or bad,
vampire or human. It’s about getting
to a place where we don’t have to care. ILL

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‘In a clash of

incentives, Big Tech

will always pick

growth over safety,

engagement

over decency’

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WIRED asks three
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