the lede
AUGUST 2019 15Nadu, and began developing their
own techniques. As they engaged in
their weekly practice, people would
gather to listen. While people are
often unresponsive to direct political
engagement, the music worked to
break the silence. The audience often
responded to their anti-caste mes-
sage with questions, leading to long
conversations.
Raja said that the NKK had decided
not to carry on the traditional system
of playing the parai at religious rituals
and funerals. Instead, the group wants
to change the parai into a symbol of re-
sistance. “We work with the ideologies
of Dr Ambedkar, Periyar and Marx, and
we aim to spread our ideas through this
medium of music. For us, the parai is
a tool to unite people and make them
aware about social realities.” The Hin-
du Right was using culture to spread
hate and communal divides, he added,
and the NKK was looking to do the po-
lar opposite, using the parai to promote
social justice.
The NKK’s efforts echo similar at-
tempts made to liberate the parai from
its caste-based roots. In 2006, Manima-
ran, a former child labourer who had
learnt the instrument at an orphanage,
decided to no longer perform at funer-
als. A year later, he formed the Buddhar
Kalaikuzhu, a group that performs
parai attam and conducts classes. Many
of its students belong to dominant
castes. “I played at so many funerals
that the music itself began to hurt me,”
Manimaran told the Indian Express,
in 2016. “I wanted to enjoy playing the
instrument.” In 2011, V Shakthi, a soft-
ware engineer based in Coimbatore,
formed Team Nimirvu Kalaiyagam, to
perform, popularise and teach parai
attam. Raja and Suresh rued, however,
that much of this rehabilitation was
being personally funded by enthusi-
asts, without much collaboration. They
were also concerned about whether
these movements were furthering the
anti-caste struggle that is central to
their work, rather than focussing on
individual fame and success.
Besides cultural performances,
the NKK organises occasional group
discussions. People in the neighbour-
hood—both adults and children—gather
to read books by social reformers, share
thoughts and plan future activities. The
children in the group have begun set-tingupa communitylibrary.TheTamil
foundersofthegrouphaveapproached
othercommunitiesinDharavitojoin
theircause.Theynowworkalongside
Telugu-speakingpeople,aswellas
thosefromUttarPradesh,Biharand
Maharashtra.Theywanttoincrease
femaleparticipation,butwomenhave
beenhesitanttojoin,sincethegroup
practisesinanopenspaceandoften
faceslocalopposition.
ThoughtheNKKmembers’families
movedtoMumbaitoescapecaste
discrimination,casteneverleftthem.
Itplaysa criticalroleinDharavias
well.Theslumisdividedintodif-
ferentparts,eachwithitsparticular
caste and identity politics. Many of
the dominant-caste Marathi-speaking
residents are supporters of the RSS.
The NKK’s founders alleged that
under the influence of the RSS, the
local police repeatedly refused them
permission to hold events. Raja said
that some members of the group had
noticed suspicious people following
them. During the campaign for the
general election earlier this year, the
group’s members heard that the RSS
had despatched assailants to attack
them, and chose to temporarily sus-
pend its activities.
A noise complaint was recently filed
against the group. Since then, they
are not allowed to practise in the open
ground in their locality, which also
hosts the local RSS shakha—branch. As
a result, they now gather at the Bandra
Kurla Complex. The NKK’s members
continue their attempts to expand the
discourse around caste, despite having
to balance their activism with provid-
ing for their families. The difficulties
they face, Raja told me, only motivate
them to stand firm and continue their
struggle for a cultural revolution
against injustice and discrimination. sleft: The founders of the Neelam Kalai
Kuzhu are fourth-generation Tamil migrants
in Mumbai, who are based in Dharavi.nikhil lata gajanan