ROLE NO MORE
34 OUTLOOK 29 July 2019
there is some time after the US with
drawal, with a gradual worsening of the
situation in Afghanistan. “It saves
America’s face.”
Russia and China, adds Raghavan,
have their own interests in securing an
early American exit and getting
Pakistan to help ‘stabilise’ the post
withdrawal situation in Afghanistan.
“This will put Pakistan in the driver’s
seat. The history of Pakistan’s
involvement in Afghanistan
should clearly remind us on
what is likely to come,”
Raghavan cautions.
The US and Pakistan had
joined hands with some Gulf
countries to create the Taliban
from among the Pashtun Afghan
students who grew up in the
refugee camps in the AfPak
border area, and who were ind
octrinated in madrasas by fun
damentalist Islamic preachers
in the mid’90s.
T
HE Taliban’s presence in
Afghanistan had turned the
country stiflingly conserva
tive and India was a neigh
bour adversely affected by a
regime in Kabul that was tut
ored by Pakistan.
With the Taliban and Pakistan
now back in the Afghan game
with US support, Indian con
cerns on the evolving situation
in Afghanistan seem quite
wellfounded.
The US’s bottomline in
Afghanistan seems to ensure
that in future no terrorist att
acks should target American
interests from Afghan soil. It is
also conveying to the Taliban
and others that even after its
withdrawal it continues to keep
an intelligence presence in the
country to monitor the develop
ments. This could well be the core of its
negotiations with the Taliban—the
longawaited withdrawal of American
troops and assets might begin once this
is assured.
Vivek Katju, former secretary in the
MEA, who also served as India’s ambas
sador to Afghanistan, describes the
American negotiating position as “abs
urd”, even as he feels that India should
have engaged with the Taliban, like
other countries, to ensure it is not out of
the loop in the Afghan developments.
“The whole world is talking to the
Taliban. What do we gain by ignoring
them?” he asks. He too admits that the
Americans were conceding too much to
the Taliban. For instance, at the recent
‘intraAfghan’ meeting in Doha, the
Taliban were the only ones which came
as a ‘group’, while all others, including
key officials of the Afghan government,
attended the meeting in their personal
capacity. “It looks more like the terms
of a surrender being negotiated by the
US,” says Katju.
Many others also share the view that
India should have engaged with the
Taliban. But as Mukhopadhaya points
out, while the Taliban is a player in
Afghanistan, it cannot be allowed to call
the shots on the future shape of the
country. He also feels that the Taliban’s
role in Afghanistan has been more
hyped than is demanded by reality.
Despite being criticised, he points out,
the Afghan National Army had not
conceded any important provincial
capital to the Taliban, which has man
aged to control only 30 per cent of
Afghanistan after its incessant cam
paigns of ultraviolence. the Taliban, he
stresses, is also much hated and
most nonPashtun Afghans are
suspicious of it since it is backed
by Pakistan.
Mukhopadhaya expresses the
hope that democracy and a
comparatively open society
have struck deep roots amongst
Afghans in the past 18 years.
Therefore, even if the Taliban
tries to laterally intrude into the
political centrestage by ignor
ing the constitution and the
election process, it will be
strongly resisted. He also feels
that India, which continues to
be very popular among different
sections of Afghans, should
support the elected government
and the constitution that, des
pite heavy odds, have managed
to bring significant changes.
Katju concurs with
Mukhopadhaya about India’s
enduring popularity in Afgh
anistan. But he feels that the
ground reality is such that there
is very little New Delhi could do
to alter the current course.
Raghavan, too, is for a more
proactive role for India, like
convening a meeting of the
Afghan groups. “But it may be
too late to make any serious
headway,” he admits.
No one expects the US’s pro
tracted endgame in Afghanistan
to be smooth. Some fear another
long spell of violence and insta
bility after the Americans withdraw.
But, as Katju observes, there is also a
positive note to it: “Irrespective of how
marginalised India may look now, no
new regime in Kabul can afford to ign
ore it. It will have to engage with New
Delhi for stability and development.”
Whether that optimism has any basis
in reality will be proven by the latest
contours of Afghanistan’s tortuous path
to normality. O
“The US attempt
to make a pact
with the Taliban,
whose role is
over-hyped,
will be counter-
productive.”
Gautam Mukhopadhaya
Former envoy to Afghanistan
“Irrespective of
how marginalised
India looks, no new
Kabul regime can
afford to ignore
India for the sake
of stability.”
Vivek Katju
Former envoy to Afghanistan
“Russia, China
have their own
interests in
securing a US exit.
Pakistan’s Afghan
history reminds us
what to expect.”
Srinath Raghavan
Strategic writer