Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

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chapter 6

The structure of null subject DPs


and agreement in Polish impersonal


constructions*


Małgorzata Krzek

Newcastle University, Newcastle-upon-Thyne

This paper is concerned with the function of the SIĘ particle in the impersonal
construction and with the internal structure of impersonal pronouns in Polish.
It is proposed that SIĘ is a functional element heading its own projection, dubbed
SIĘP, taking pro as its complement. This makes the SIĘP similar to canonical
DPs. As for pronouns, it is argued that they enter the derivation as bundles of
features that get bound by operators and logophoric categories in the course of
the syntactic derivation. Differences in the interpretation of the null impersonal
subject pronoun will depend on the kind of elements its sub-features will be
bound by.


  1. Introduction


This paper focuses on two issues. The first issue concerns morpho-syntactic proper-
ties of the null subject DPs in the Polish impersonal SIĘ and –NO/–TO constructions.
The second issue has to do with the internal structure of pronouns and the mechan-
ics of how their interpretation is established. Following Harley and Ritter (2002), it is
proposed that pronouns enter the derivation as bundles of unvalued features that get
valued/bound by operators and logophoric features in the course of a narrow syntactic


* I would like to thank Anders Holmberg, Joel Wallenberg and Peter Ackema for fruitful
discussions at various stages of this work. I would furthermore like to thank Maggie Tall-
erman, Grete Dalmi, Marek Świdziński and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful sug-
gestions and comments on earlier drafts of this paper.
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