The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 133
(7) Tańczono do białego rana.
danced to white morning
‘[People/They] danced until dawn.’
The construction can be formed from both transitive (6) and intransitive (7) verbs. Just
like in the case of reflexive impersonals, transitive verbs in the –NO/–TO construction
also retain the accusative object. However, unlike reflexive impersonals, the –NO/–TO
construction can only occur in the past tense.
2.3 Subjects in the SIĘ and –NO/–TO constructions
Although there is no overt generic subject DP, the availability of subject-oriented
adverbials, PRO in the control infinitival clause, the reflexive and the subject-oriented
PPs all provide evidence for the presence of syntactically active null subject DPs in
both constructions.
2.3.1 Availability of subject-oriented adverbials
The availability of subject-oriented adverbials, such as celowo ‘on purpose’, dobrowolnie
‘voluntarily’, confirms the presence of a subject (whether it be an agent, an experiencer
or undergoer).^5 Subject-oriented adverbials are allowed in both impersonal construc-
tions, as the following examples demonstrate:
(8) a. Budowano tutaj autostradę celowo.
built here motorway.acc on-purpose.
‘[People/They] built a motorway here on purpose.’
b. Jadło się celowo maliny.
eat.past 3 sg.n siĘ on purpose raspberries.acc
‘[One/People/We] ate raspberries on purpose.’
2.3.2 Control and binding
Participation in control and binding relations constitutes another argument sup-
porting the presence of null subject DPs. Bondaruk and Charzyńska-Wójcik (2003)
observe that both SIĘ and –NO/–TO impersonals can share their subjects with
embedded infinitival clauses (9), with present and past participle forms (10), and with
subject-raising constructions (11).
- The SIĘ and the –NO/–TO impersonals can be formed from unaccusative verbs, however,
the issue not discussed here. The subjects of these verbs, as is noted by Kibort (2004), are
not agents but experiencers/undergoers, thus agent-oriented adverbials will not be felicitous
in their environment. This fact, however, cannot be taken as an argument that the syntactic
subject is not projected in these clauses.