Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

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136 Małgorzata Krzek


b. Nie mogę tutaj palić przez Piotra.
neg can.1sg here smoke.inf by Piotr.acc
‘I can’t smoke here because of Peter.’
In (16), the role of agent is assigned to the null subject DPs, whose agreement features
are visible as inflectional marking on the main verbs. Therefore, the PPs must have a
different role, namely that of an instrument (16a), or a causer (16b).

2.4 The phi-specification of a covert subject
The null subject DP of the –NO/–TO impersonal triggers masculine plural marking
on adjectival and nominal predicative complements. The examples in (17) demon-
strate that expressions that are, inflectionally, other than masculine plural are incom-
patible with the –NO/–TO form:
(17) a. *Pracowano jako nauczyciel
worked as teacher.M
b. *Pracowano jako nauczycielka.
worked as teacher.F
c. *Pracowano jako nauczycielki.
worked as teachers.F
d. Pracowano jako nauczyciele.
worked as teachers.M
‘[People/They] worked as teachers.’
(Dziwirek 1994: 222)
This suggests that the null subject DP in this type of impersonal construction has
the features [+plural] and [+masculine]. What is more, the subject of the –NO/–TO
impersonal can only be understood as being human. Even when the predicates of the
–NO/–TO clause refer to typical non-human activities such as barking or building
nests, they are necessarily interpreted as implying a [+human] agent.
As regards the phi-specification of a null subject DP of the SIĘ-construction, if
the context provides a specific agent/undergoer as the referent of the null subject DP,
agreeing (nominal and adjectival) predicative complements of the reflexive imper-
sonal may carry any number and gender markers corresponding to the features of this
null subject DP (Kibort 2008: 273):
(18) a. Pracowało się jako dziennikarz.
work.past 3 sg.n się as journalist.M
b. Pracowało się jako dziennikarka.
work.past 3 sg.n się as journalist.F
c. Pracowało się jako dziennikarze.
work.past 3 sg.n się as journalists.M
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