Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

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168 Gréte Dalmi


(8) Pekkai väittää [että häni/proi puhu englantia hyvin].
Pekka claims that he/ he speak.pres 3 sg English well
‘Pekkai claims that hei speaks English well.’
(Finnish, Roberts & Holmberg 2010: 11)

Type 3 Consistent NSLs allow 3sg referential subjects in finite clauses to be null with-
out any further requirement:
(9) ____ Ha telefonato.
(s/he) perf 3 sg telephone.ptcp
‘S/he has telephoned.’ (Italian, Rizzi 1982)

Holmberg (2005, 2010 ) establishes the following correlation between 3sg generic
inclusive^2 vs. 3sg referential null subjects in Type 2 Partial NSLs and Type 3 Consis-
tent NSLs:
Holmberg’s correlation
(10) Type 2 Partial NSLs
3 sg generic subjects must always be null, (6);
3 sg referential subjects must not be null in main clauses, (7);
(11) Type 3 Consistent NSLs
3 sg referential subjects can be freely dropped, (12);
3 sg generic subjects must not be null, (13).
(12) pro Ha telefonato.
(s/he) perf telephone.ptcp
‘S/he has telephoned.’
(Italian, Rizzi 1982)
(13) Se si /*proGN è morti, non ci si/*proGN muove piu.
if one cop dead not rfl one move any more
‘If one is dead, one does not move any more.’
(Italian, D’Alessandro & Alexiadou 2003: 35)
Finally, Type 4 Radical NSLs allow any argument of the verb to be null in active finite
clauses:

(14) ___ kanjian ta le.
(he) see he asp
‘He sees him’


  1. Generic inclusive DPs include the speech act participants, while generic exclusive DPs
    exclude them (see Moltmann 2006, 2012 for the interpretive differences between the two).

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