170 Gréte Dalmi
exclusive null DPs, (21); in addition, (V) any referential argument of a finite predicate
can be null, (21). Nonetheless, as will be shown in 2.2 and 2.3, Hungarian does not fit
in the typological system established by Roberts and Holmberg (2010).
(i) expletive null dp
(18) Már hajnal-od-ott proEXPL, amikor-ra
already dawn-refl-past 3 sg expl when-sbl
el-alud-takk a gyerekek.
pfx-sleep-past 3 pl the children
‘It was already beginning to dawn by the time the children fell asleep.’
(ii) referential null subject
(19) Verai fél-t, [hogy proi/j le-kés-i
Vera fear-past 3 sg that (s/he) pfx-miss-pres 3 sg
a film-et].
the movie-acc
‘Verai feared that s/hei/j (herself /someone else) would miss the movie.’
(iii) generic inclusive null subject
(20) a. Az emberGN mindig fél-0, [hogy le-zuhan-0 proGN ]
the man always fear-pres 3 sg that off-fall-pres 3 sg (the man)
‘One always fears that one will crash.’
(iv) generic exclusive null subject
b. Itt nem beszél-nek proarb magyar-ul.
here not speak-pres 3 pl (people) Hungarian-form
‘People do not speak Hungarian here.’
In addition, it also allows any other referential argument of finite verbs to be null,^4 just
like Type 4 Radical NSLs:
(v) referential null object
(21) Lát-tam pro 1 , [hogy ver-ik a gyerekek pro 2 ].
see-past 1 sg (i) that beat-pres 3 pl[+def] the children (him/her)
‘I saw that the children were beating him/her.’Generic inclusive DPs in Hungarian are normally expressed by the lexical DP az ember
‘the man’ (see Bródy 2011 on the differences in the semantic interpretation of 3sg, 1pl
and 2sg generic DPs):- Hungarian verbs show agreement with definite objects, see Bartos (1997, 2001 ) and Dalmi
(1997, 2002 ).