Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

(ff) #1

172 Gréte Dalmi


nominative subject
(27) Az emberGN nem készül-0 arra, [hogy
the man not prepare-pres 3 sg it.spr that
proGN / *az emberGN/*őGN meg-hal-0].
(the man)/the man / he pfx-die-pres 3 sg
‘One is not prepared (for it) that one /*he would die.’
dative experiencer subject
(28) Az ember-nekGN kínos 0 [ha
the man-dat embarrassing cop.pres 3 sg if
proGN / *az emberGN /*őGN izzad-0].
(the man) /the man / he sweat-pres 3 sg
‘It is embarrassing (for one) if one /*he sweats.’
The Hungarian generic inclusive lexical DP az ember ‘the man’ has the following prop-
erties (Dalmi 2013):
(i) it serves as an antecedent for reflexives, (29) (see Moltmann 2006 on Eng-
lish one);
(ii) it serves as an antecedent for the null subject of depictive
adjunct predicates, (30), (see Kratzer 2000 on German man);
(iii) in discourse-semantically neutral finite sentences it serves as an
antecedent for 3sg generic inclusive proGN
(but not for the 3sg lexical pronoun) in the subjacent clause, (31);
(iv) it controls the PROGN subject of infinitival clauses,^6 (32) (see Giannakidou
& Merchant 1997 on Greek PROGN).
(29) Manapság az emberGN lát-hat-ja
nowadays the man.nom see-pot-3sg
magá-tGN/*i az internet-en.
oneself.acc the internet-sbl
‘Nowadays one can see oneself/*himself on the internet.’
(30) Az emberGN nem vizsgál-0 beteg-eti,
the man.3sg.nom not examine-pres 3 sg patient-acc
[ha proGN/*i /*őGN részeg 0 ].
when (the man/*hei) drunk cop.pres 3 sg
‘One does not examine a patient when one/*he is drunk.’


  1. On the syntactic and semantic differences between unique reference PRO and generic
    (arbitrary) PRO see O’Neil (1997, Chapter 5).

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