The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 175
another occurrence of generic inclusive one in donkey-sentences and in Weak Cross-
Over (WCO) contexts, where existentially quantified DPs are banned (see Moltmann
2006 : 261):
donkey-sentence
(35) Most books that one has read in o n e’s childhood stay in o n e’s
memory forever.
(36) *Most books that someonei read in hisi childhood stay in hisi memory for
e ver.
weak cross-over effect
(37) One’s mother always gives one a birthday present.
(38) *Someonei’s mother always gives himi a birthday present.
Hungarian shows a similar pattern in this respect. Existentially quantified DPs do
not appear in such contexts, whilst generic inclusive lexical subjects are perfectly
grammatical:
donkey-sentence
(39) *A legtöbb jó könyv-et, ami-t valakii
the most good book-acc which-acc someone
olvas-ott, nem magai ír-ta.
read-past 3 sg not self write-past 3 sg
‘Most good books that someonei has read were not written by himselfi.‘
(40) A legtöbb jó könyv-et, ami-t az emberGN
the most good book-acc which-acc the man
olvas-ott, nem magaGN írta.
read-past 3 sg not self write-past 3 sg
‘Most good books that one has read were not written by one oneself.‘
Let us consider WCO-contexts next. In Hungarian, the possessor within the posses-
sive DP can be null. The dative beneficiary valaki ‘someone’, bound by the existential
quantifier $ in (41), cannot take wide scope over the 3sg referential null possessor
(pro), which it does not c-command at LF. This leads to weak ungrammaticality:
wco-effect
(41) ??$[TOPPValaki-neki [QP mindig ad-0 ajándék-ot
someone-dat always give-pres 3 sg present-acc
az proi any-ja [DP ti]]].
the s/he.nom mother-poss 3 sg
‘Hisi mother always gives someonei a present.’