Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 183

feature, and is licensed by the closest head, ASP. In such cases ASP has a [+GN]
feature and accepts only imperfective verbs, (72). If, however, si has the [+person]
feature, it will be interpreted with 1pl unique reference. In such cases ASPP has
no [+GN] feature at all, and therefore si must raise as high as SAPP and have all of
its features licensed there. This occurrence of si is compatible only with perfective
verbs, (73):

(72) In quel ristorante si mangiava bene.
in this restaurant one eat.ipfv well
‘In this restaurant one used to eat well.’

(73) In quel ristorante si è mangiato bene.
in this restaurant (1pl) perf ptcp well
‘In this restaurant we ate well.’
(Italian, D’Alessandro & Alexiadou 2003: 35)

(74)

TP

T ASPP

vP

si

[±GN]

‘one/we’

mangiava

‘used to eat’/

è mangiato

‘ate’

SAPP (D’Alessandro & Alexiadou 2003: 41)

SAP

ASP

v′

v VP

IPFV/PERF

[±person]

The same generic inclusive vs. unique reference alternation is diagnosed in Polish by
Krzek (2011, 2012 ). Just like in Italian, the generic interpretation of the impersonal
reflexive pronoun się ‘oneself ’ is compatible only with the imperfective aspect, while
the 1pl unique reference interpretation arises with the perfective aspect:

(75) W Krakowie sprzedawało się dużo kwiatów.
in Cracow sell.ipfv.past refl a lot flowers
‘In Cracow one used to sell a lot of flowers.’ (habitual past)