Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

(ff) #1

208 Asya Pereltsvaig & Ekaterina Lyutikova


A more complex nominal containing both types of possessors and a case marker for
the locative is illustrated below:
(34) a. bez-neŋ däftär-lär papka-lar-ıbız-da
we-gen notebook-pl folder-pl-1.pl-loc
‘in our folder for notebooks’
b.

DP K^0

D′

KP

DP/KP

PossP D^0

Poss′

NumP Poss^0

PossP

bez-neŋ
we-

däftär-lär
notebook-

-da

-ıbız

-lar

NP

N′

Num^0

LOC

N^0

papka
folder


  1. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The interpretation of the possessor


So far, we have argued that ezafe-3 nominals are DPs, in which the genitive-marked
possessor occupies [Spec, DP] at Spell-Out, while the ezafe-3 marker appears in D^0.
In contrast, we propose to analyze ezafe-2 nominals as PossPs (smaller than DP),
in which the unmarked possessor occupies [Spec,PossP], while the ezafe-2 marker
appears in Poss^0. Now we shall turn to the twin issues of where the two types of pos-
sessors originate and what their possible interpretations are.
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