336 LAURA Α. MICHAELIS
caedo: [strike' (x,y)] CAUSE [BECOME fallen' (y)]
The thematic roles associated with this predicate are predictable given the
LS of its Aktionsart class. (Thematic relations within RRG are defined
according to argument positions in the lexically decomposed predicate; see
"Synopsis", sect. 3.3.1.) Here, x=effector (and by implicature, agent) and
y=locative-patient. Since effector outranks patient for A, and the predicate
is transitive, assigning two macroroles, the locative-patient is accorded U
status. In Latin, A outranks U for PrP status, and hence, in accordance
with the case-marking principles given in (24), the agent argument receives
nominative case-marking, while the non-PrP macrorole core argument
receives accusative. Similar analyses can be proposed for the intransitive
verbs represented in (lb) and (1d), representing activity and achievement
predicates, respectively:
curro: run' (x)
cresco: BECOME increased' (x)
Both of these predicates license a single macrorole. Macrorole selection
among single-macrorole predicates is governed by the following principle: if
there is an activity predicate in the LS, any single macrorole will be an
actor. Otherwise, it will be an undergoer. Hence, the single macrorole is an
actor in the case of the activity predicate, an undergoer in the case of the
achievement predicate. As any single macrorole achieves PrP status, both
of these verbs license single nominative arguments.
The transfer predicate exemplified in (2a) and the removal predicate
shown in (2b) have much the same LS; the linking rules will be
demonstrated with respect to the transfer verb dono :
dono: [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME have' (y,z)]
Here, x=effector, y=locative, and z=theme. By the A/U hierarchy (Foley
& Van Valin 1984), effector (and potential agent) outranks both theme and
locative for A; while theme outranks locative for U. As A outranks U for
PrP, the potential agent argument receives nominative case. The non-PrP
macrorole core argument, that which codes the theme, receives accusative.
The residual direct core locative argument, lacking a macrorole, receives
dative case.
As Van Valin (1991) points out with respect to Icelandic, the case-
marking algorithm given in (24) works not only for simple clauses, but also
for those containing embedded clauses. How would the case-assignment