Advances in Role and Reference Grammar

552 JAMES K. WATTERS

(49) Her yap-tig-in-i ban-α açikla-yarak, älet-ler-in-i

all do-DiK-poss-ACC ISG-DAT explain-ErEk: instrument-PL-poss-Acc

seve seve kullan-arak iki saat kadar çaliş-ti.

lovingly hsindle-ErEk two hour up.to work-ρτ

"Explaining to me everything he did, using his instruments lov­

ingly, he worked for some two hours." (Lewis 1967:177)

In (47), the past tense suffix as well as its evidential force has scope over

both clauses. Similarly, in (48), the "hearsay" reading of the -mlş past tense

has scope over both clauses. The example in (49), from Lewis, is another

example with the -dl past tense, but involving three clauses. Again, in each

example, as would be expected in core juncture, the subject argument and

clausal operators are shared by the clauses.

The framework in F&VV predicts that in cases of core coordination

the clauses may be independently specified for nuclear operators, such as

aspect, and core operators, such as modality. This is the case in the -ErEk

construction. Notice that the nuclear operator, aspect, is given an imperfec-

tive reading in the dependent clause — the standard reading for -ErEk —

though the main verb has a perfective aspectual interpretation. The depen­

dent clause may not be independently marked for tense or evidentiality,

nor may it be independently specified for modality:

(50) *Müzik dinle-yebil-erek uy-ur-um.

music listen-ABiL-ErEk sleep-AOR-lsG

"I can listen to music while sleeping."(lit. "Being able to listen

to music, I sleep.")

(51) Müzik dinle-yerek uyu-yabil-ir-im.

music listen-ErEk sleep-ABIL-AOR-ISG

"I can sleep listening to music."

Moreover, the abilitative suffix, -Ebll has scope only over the main clause.

This provides support to an analysis of -ErEk constructions as core coordi­

nation: they manifest two independent cores sharing the same clausal

operators.

6.3 "Want" constructions

As will be shown below, istemek "to want" takes a clausal complement of a

subordinate type when the subjects are not coreferential. The dependent