A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

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3.4 Ablaut 101

the inflectable short imperfectives, but not in the Imprt. In most cases the extra

short V is accompanied by either Stem-Initial Syncope or Stem-Initial

Gemination (§3.4.8.1, below). In the analysis used here, the basic (i.e. lexical)

representation is modeled on the Imprt. Thus -kvrikvw- is closely related to

Imprt karikaw, contrast PerfP -aekrakaew- and (inflectable) Shlmpf -akrikaw-.

One could imagine analytical alternatives, with the lexical representation taken

either as -vkrikvw- or -krikvw-, with corresponding adjustments in the

formulation of phonological rules. A representation -vkrikvw- would directly

provide the syllabic shapes of the perfectives and the inflectable Shlmpf, but

would require a rule deleting the initial ν in the imperative, followed by a

resyllabification process that inserts ν between the two initial C's. A

representation -krikvw- would split the difference between the Imprt and the

other stems, but for this very reason is not closely grounded in any actual verb

stem and so is psychologically dubious.

One important respect in which verbs differ from nouns is that verbs have

no lexical accents. In actual verb stems, the only marked (i.e. non-default)

accents are those due to ablaut formatives in the Resit and LoImpfP stems, e.g.

for 'enter' Resit -ajjds- and LoImpfP -t-djjaes-, along with (in T-ka dialect)

some imperfectives where resyllabification has applied, e.g. sjal 'go!'.

3.4.1.3 Verb types based on full vowels

For morphological purposes, groupings based on full V's (78) are useful.

(78) Broad Verb-Stem Classes Based on Full Vowels

a. short-V verbs (all vowels are short), e.g. -vCvC-, -vPPvC-

b. full-V-initial verbs, e.g. -uCvC-, -uCCu-

c. full-V-medial verbs, e.g. -CvCiCvC-

d. unaugmented V-final verbs, e.g. -DCCO-, -VCCD-

e. augmented V-final verbs, e.g. -CvCuCu- (+ -t)

The stem-final V's in (78.d-e) are full rather than short V's, since there are

no word- or stem-final short V's. For the unaugmented V-final verbs, in some

stems the full V is replaced by an underspecified vowel III or IAJ that is subject

to deletion word-finally. The categories (78.b) and (78.c) can be combined

with (78.d-e), but not with each other. In other words, there can be up to two

full V's in a stem, in which case one of the two must be stem-final. The

augmented V-final verbs have an Augment suffix -t in some paradigmatic

forms, and in general this class behaves quite differently in morphonology

from the unaugmented V-final verbs (§7.1.1).

In effect, the presence of a full (or stem-final) V in a given position

determines local (rather than stem-wide) morphophonological patterns. For

example, an initial full V appears as ο in the perfectives, as α in the short
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