A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

(Jeff_L) #1
360 7 Verbal morphology

The examples in (363.a-b) are fully regular. Those in (363.b, g) show

resyllabification in the Imprt (and Shlmpf)· In (363.c), the only wrinkle is

consonantal metathesis (§3.2.2.1). In (363.d), we have an alternation of s and

z, the latter appearing optionally when reduplicated (§3.1.1.6). With the Imprt

parenthesized, other stems belonging in (363.a) are -vksu-(seks) 'sprout',

-visa- (sels) 'get dressed', -vl^a- (aelz) 'shave', -vnda-(send) 'collapse',

-vnta- (sent) 'begin', -vnra- [as'rva-] (aerr) 'be on fire', -vrha- (aerh) 'want',

-vrza- (aerz) 'break'. Other verbs showing Resyllabification and so belonging

in (363.b) are -vkla- (skal) 'spend the mid-day', -vkna- (akan) 'make, do

well, do much', and -vsla- (asal) 'listen to'.

'Go to' (363.e) has LoImpfP -t-akk-. This is arguably "regular" for the α/ι

subclass in the special case of a geminate cluster (-vPPi>), on the theory that

the geminate cannot divide into two "autosegments" as do the Ρ and Q of

nongeminated -VPQD- in ablaut. A -t- prefix is common in long imperfectives

of other verb classes, especially where the gemination ablaut feature (r-c2) is

absent. One might argue that the initial t in -tatt- 'eat' is also this -t- prefix.

However, -tatt- is so irregular we cannot tell, and one could equally well

compare it to -sass- 'drink' and suggest a minor pattern -PdPP- with a

repeated C.

This leaves a number of (mostly high-frequency) verbs in (363.f-i). Their

irregular long imperfectives have the same -CaPP- shape as the others. The

verbs in (363.f) have stable CC clusters, the one in (363.g) has a CC cluster

requiring resyllabification in the Imprt, and those in (363.h-i) have geminate

clusters throughout.

For Timbuktu-area dialects the only case I recorded of V-final LoImpfP

-COPPU- was -jdnna- 'say', which is also irregular in other respects (PerfP

-anna-). See §7.3.2.5 for more detail. Eastern dialects have a few more cases

of -CuPPu-, though for no informant did I find this pattern consistently for the

whole class.

In the Kidal area, -CdPP- is regular (-sdss-, -hakk-, -hall-, -sali-, and

-tatt- as in T-ka), but 'go away' in this dialect belongs to the α/u rather than aJι

subclass and therefore has Lolmpf -gillu- (attested for K, K-d, K-f).

In A-grm, -CdPPu- (-CaPPa- or -CaPPu-) is regular when the geminated

PP is a sonorant (liquid or nasal): -galla or -gallu- 'go', -rarra- 'read', -halla-

'weep', -ndqga- 'be ripe', -sallu- 'hear', and the irregular -ςάηηα- 'say'. I also

recorded -sdssa- 'drink', -t-dkka- 'go to', and -tatta- 'eat' for A-grm, but the

other verbs with final obstruent lack the extra final V.

In the Im dialect, LoImpfP stems of some relevant verbs with medial

sonorant preserve the final V: -hdlla- 'weep', -xalla- 'be dirty', -jdnna- 'say',

consistent with A-grm. However, the remaining attested LoImpfP forms for Im

dialect show Stem-Final i/A-Deletion: -tatt- 'eat', -sdss- 'drink', -hakk-

'give', -gdll- 'go', -sail- 'hear'. The Im dialect is therefore intermediate

between A-grm and T-ka.

Returning to T-ka and similar dialects, the LoImpfN corresponding to e.g.

LoImpfP -kail- (/-kdllAV) 'spend mid-day' is -kali- (/-kalli-/), as in 3MaSg
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