378 7 Verbal morphologyThe short imperfectives in (377) clearly have an overlaid
which is also found with non-augment V-final verbs including -v(C)Ci>, α/ι
subclass, e.g. Imprt aegr 'kill!' from/asgri/ (§7.3.1.3).
The
presence of a lexical high V (i or u). There is no actual u in these long
imperfectives, which normally points to i as the default. The VblN type Ijjuy
does have a u, but transposed to the second syllable; the other VblN's in (377),
aggan and irsay, do not have a u.
The evidence points to lexical representations with initial high V, i.e.
-i(C)CvC- or -u(C)CvC-, but it is difficult to make the call between these two.
Given that there are some other verbs with a stronger claim to be u-initial, see
below, I would incline toward -i(C)CvC- as basic form for the verbs in (377).
The puzzling ο in the perfective has an (admittedly distant) echo in the strong
preference for perfective ο in causative verbs of the basic shape -s-iCvC-, see
§8.1.5.
The LoImpfP pattern -t-iCaC- occurs in all dialects checked except A-grm.
In R dialect, the schwa undergoes Syncope before V-initial suffix, and
V-initial subject suffixes (all of which have the shape -aeC) show a instead of
ae, as in t-lhr-an 'they-Ma share in common'. In other words, in this dialect,
when a schwa is deleted in the final syllable of the stem, its
transferred to the suffixal V. R dialect also metathesizes the two C's brought
together by Syncope in certain cases (§3.2.2.1). By contrast, T-ka does not
syncopate and does not spread the
of -t-iCaC- we generally get LoImpfP -t-aCaeC- with
Using the PerfP for citation, all other examples of the type -oCvC- known
to me are -obaer- 'grab a handful', (dialectal) -obaez- 'take', -odaen- 'be
missing', -odaer- 'push down', -odasr- 'soak (hide)', -ofasl- '(hide) be tanned',
-ovaey- 'strangle', -ohaer- 'snatch', -ohaer- 'have in common', -ohasz-
'approach', -öjaed- 'tap (donkey)', -ojasl- 'decline to accept', -ojasr- 'surpass',
-ojass- 'sew coarsely', -ojasz- 'encounter (by chance)', -okaed- 'be disgusted',
-okael- 'step on', -okaer- 'steal', -okasy- 'go past', -olaeh- 'resemble', -olaej-
'set up', -olael- 'become lodged', -olaes- 'repeat', -olaey- 'cut off and
homonym 'dangle', -omasd- 'gather (wild grain)', -ömaes- 'wipe', -onasf- 'pull
by the tail', -onaen- '(camel) be trained', -ona;s- 'hobble', -orasj- 'contribute',
-orasm- 'test', -orasw- 'give birth', -öraey- 'cede', -osasr- 'unite', -osaem- 'be
jealous of, -osaes- 'squeeze', -osasl- 'run' (VblN άζζαΐ, cf. §3.1.1.5), -otaes-
'intend', -oyaes- 'sneak up on', and -ozaer- 'suffer'. None of these verbs has w
as first C. Many of these verbs are very basic lexical items. While IPPuC is the
most common VblN, some of the stems have a different VblN. One is t-"iCCa,
e.g. t-"ikla 'stepping on', t-lkra 'theft', andt-inna 'being trained'. Another is of
the form m-lCCaw, with prefix m-, as in m-ikdaw 'being disgusted' and
m-"ilhaw 'resemblance'.
Other verbs of the -uCCvC- subtype, like '(animal) die' in (377) are
(PerfP) -ojdseh- 'be equal' (specialized VblN m-ljdaehaw), -oskasn- 'stand on
hind legs', -osmasm- '(trap) be about to spring', -oswael- 'be marked' (noun