50 3 Phonologybecame yellow' (but variant waerar also recorded for K-d), abstractive
t-se-rore (arguably t-3-rure) 'yellowness'). For Niger Tamajak, forms with
Vrwr alongside Vwrr and Vrr are reported (Imprt "irwar", LTF2 282). For
Algeria we have Vrr and Vrwr (DTF 4.1662).
Another case is 'carrion', which appears as m-aersoy or feminine
t-a-m-aevsoy-t in most dialects with Vvsy consonantism (also reported for
Niger, LTF2.124), but as m-aesroy in T-ka.
There are a number of cases involving C sequences Vdj and Vjd, or Vdj and
Vjd. Tamashek generally has Vjd corresponding to Vdj (dg) in Niger and
Algeria. It is not clear to me which sequence is historically original. Tamashek
verb -ujvd- 'rap on nape' (PerfP -ojasd-) still corresponds to a noun t-idji-t-t
'(a) rap on the nape' in K-d, so there is a synchronic alternation in this dialect;
in Niger Tamajak the verb is -vdvg- (LTF2 49). Tamashek -vjvd- 'go off to
war' has an Algerian counterpart -vdvj- (DTF 1.263ff.). Tamashek -jvddvd-
'be terrified, flee' corresponds to Niger -dvggvg- (LTF2 50). 'Morning' is
attested in variants such as α-jdalset (or a-gdalset), compare Niger Tamajak
Vdglst (LTF2 30). There are also some cases of three variants showing
metathesis and assimilation. For example, 'hail, hailstones' appears as
ae-dljraes (and ae-digraes), as-jidraes, and (assimilated) as-jijraes. Likewise,
'wide acacia pod' is recorded as a-saejaeda, a-saedaeja, and (assimilated)
a-saejaeja.
A verb 'scoop up' appears normally as -vksvl- (A-grm, T-ka, also Niger
and Algeria), but I recorded -vskvl- for K-d.
There is one case of consonant-vowel metathesis. This is the verb
'wound', which appears (depending on dialect) as -biwvs- (PerfP -aebewaes-
T) or -buyvs- (PerfP -aeboyaes-, Κ and R). I can find no attestation of this verb
in Niger Tamajak; for Algeria -buyvs- is reported (DTF 1.44 "bouis").
3.2.2.2 Long-distance sibilant assimilation (Sibilant Harmony)
In causative verbs, and in Instrumental nominals derived from verbs, there is a
prefix -s-. If the following stem contains a sibilant other than s, the prefix
assimilates to this sibilant. Thus compare causatives -s-vlvbbvqqu- (+ -t) 'dip
in liquid', -s-vrjvs- 'cause to walk', and -z-vm-vzlvy- 'differentiate'. For
more examples see §8.1.2 (causatives) and §8.11 (instrumental nominals).
One partial exception is -s-vnsu- 'buy, sell', which appears as -z-vnsu- in
some dialects and as -z-vns- (or -z-vnhy-) in K-f. In this rather lexicalized
causative (the simplex -vnsu- 'be bought, sold' is not common), we get
positional but not voicing assimilation. The A-grm speaker (less often the R
speaker) occasionally failed to assimilate the prefixal -s-, as in -s-vttvsu- (+ -t)
'sneeze', especially in elicited causatives that are probably not in common use.
Speakers of all other dialects applied the assimilation more systematically.
This sibilant assimilation is a reflection of Sibilant Harmony, which
seems to apply to stems as well as to stem-prefix combinations. Other than