A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

3.2 Local assimilations and syllabification rules 61

lal has been previously shortened before a suffix). This would work for nearly
all verb plus suffix/clitic data but not (quite) for the verb plus Centripetal clitic
case /a + a/ -» ae (41.d) unless supplemented by a later shortening rule.
(42) summarizes the cases where an intervening C breaks up the VV
cluster and obviates the need for VV-Contraction. The T-ka cases with h are
best handled as suffixal allomorph rules, while the eastern pattern with
homorganic semivowel is more phonological in nature.

(42) Non-Contraction (including h-initial postvocalic allomorphs)

input —» output

/u + V/ u-hV (T-ka)

grammatical context

verb + PI Imprt

verb + directional

stem + 1st person clitic

/u + V/ —» uw-V (eastern) verb + PI Imprt

verb + directional

stem + 1st person clitic

b. /i + V/ —> i-hV (T-ka) [same as for u]

/i + V/ —> iy-V (eastern) [same as for u]

3.2.4 Resyllabification (Final-CC Schwa-Insertion)

Resyllabification occurs when an unstable word-final CC cluster results from

the deletion of a final V. The relevant rule is Stem-Final i/A-Deletion (29)

(§3.1.2.4). The deletion rule applies to short imperfectives and VblN's of

V-final verbs. These verbs have a clear word-final α in the perfective stem

system, but some of them have short imperfective (including Imprt) ending in

III, an abstract, underspecified V. Many of the verbs are of the basic shape

-vCCu- or -u>CCi>, and when the final υ is deleted we get a CC cluster. Some

CC clusters are stable in word-final position. However, if the cluster is not a

geminate, and if the final C is a sonorant, it cannot be pronounced as such, so

resyllabification is required.

An example is /askni/, Sg Imprt of 'make', which appears as akan in T-ka,

but as akan in most other dialects. Compare PerfP -akna-, which shows the

stem-final V more clearly (-vkno-). Another verb, in form perhaps the

causative of this -vknu-, is -s-vkni> 'show', with Imprt s-akan (A-grm T-ka)

or s-akan (Im K-d R T-md). Because -s-vknu-, unlike -vknu-, is long enough

to quality for the VblN type with a- Sg prefix and <H> vocalic melody, we get

VblN /a-s-akni/ in T-ka and several other dialects, and this too must be

resyllabified when the III is deleted. The Sg VblN appears variably as

α-s-akann (T-ka), α-s-akan (Im R), α-s-akan (T-md), or α-s-kan (K-d),