A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

(Jeff_L) #1
74 3 Phonology

bisyllabic. However, I did record a syncopated suffixal PI t-i-bkun-en

(alongside ablaut PI t-i-bakkan).

In cases like VblN ά-xbubu, note that the accent is on the surface

antepenult. However, this does not necessarily mean that Default Accentuation

applies only to the output of Stem-Initial Syncope. We can get the correct

output either by having Default Accentuation apply last, or by having it apply

first but adding a rule that accent is reassigned to the next syllable on the left

when the accented V is deleted (by Stem-Initial Syncope). This latter

interpretation would have a stage /a-xabubu/ in the derivation that ends up as

ά-xbubu (compare A-grm a-xabubi).

Assuming a Stem-Initial Syncope rule in the forms on the right in (51), the

deleted short V is clearly hi in Shlmpf -sxbuba-t (from /-axabuba-t/) and in

VblN ά-xbubu (from /a-xabubu/). This is based on the prevailing vocalic

melodies for Shlmpf stems and VblN's for stems of this general shape. Let us

see if the other cases of Syncope can be analysed in such a way that the

syncopated V is hi rather than /ae/, so that an asymmetrical Syncope rule can

be posited.

The obvious problem with this is that Stem-Initial Syncope also applies to

PerfP -aexbabae-t, which appears to have a uniform melody. The most

straightforward derivation would be from /-aexaebabae-t/ with stem-wide

melody. This would force us to adopt a symmetrical version of Stem-Initial

Syncope, applying to /ae/ as well as hi. However, there is an alternative

analysis where -aexbabae-t is instead derived from /-axababae-t/, first

syncopating to /-axbabas-t/ before surfacing (after Leftward L-Spreading, see

below) as -sxbabas-t by Short-V Harmony. In this case, we could argue that

Syncope applies specifically to hi.

The first part of the argument for this analysis is as follows. In the

perfective family of stems (and disregarding the unprefixed perfectives,

probably of nominal origin, of adjectival verbs), the surface melodies are either

of the type , as in -aexbabae-t, or , the latter expressed as surface

vocalic sequence «HL», «HHL», «HHLL», etc., depending on the number of

stem syllables. The stem-wide perfective melody occurs precisely in those

verbs that also show Syncope, while non-syncopating verbs have the

composite perfective melody . We should therefore consider the

possibility that the stem-wide perfective melody is reducible to an

underlying , which would permit us to position a schwa in the

syncopation site.

Second, in deverbal nominals of verbs, and in some nominal Sg/Pl

alternations, there is evidence that a syncopates while ae does not. For

example, the same verb xvbubu- (+ -t) seen in (51) above is related to a noun

t-ae-xaebabu-t-t 'gaping hole'. The first two syllables of the stem have L

vocalism, so we get ae rather than a after x. Whereas s in VblN /a-xabubu/

syncopates, giving ά-xbubu, the ae between χ and b in t-ae-xasbabu-t-t fails to

syncopate. Many verbs have pairs of formally similar VblN's with stem-wide

stem melody and a related noun (often agentive in sense, beginning with
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