Westminster view
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was severely curtailed by news management on
the part of the military authorities and by ideo-
logical pressures requiring the activities of the
‘home team’ to be presented in the best light (See
embedded reporters; news management
in times of war).
Westerstähl and Johansson use their model
to illustrate how coverage might run counter
to traditional news values. Th ey cite the case of
the West’s interest in Poland during strikes and
protests mounted by the Polish trade union Soli-
darity in the 1980s. Th e events were dramatic,
yet Poland was neither near nor ‘important’. Th e
key to this special attention was, in the view
of the authors, ideology. Solidarity’s actions
threatened the chief ideological rival to capital-
ism – communism.
If performed in the West, Solidarity’s actions
would have incurred critical media attention:
strikes are bad for business. However, such strike
action taking place in an Iron Curtain country,
and in the context of the Cold War, led to
Solidarity’s trade unionists being cast as heroes
fighting for freedom against Soviet socialist
totalitarianism.
‘In our view,’ write Westerstähl and Johansson,
‘ideologies are the main source of deviation in
news reporting from a standard based on more
or less objectifi ed news values.’ See discourse
of power. See also topic guide under
communication models.
Westminster view Opinion that the media
in the UK take their cue from and align their
perspectives to the standpoint of the activities
news: news values and ideologies’ by Jorgen
Westerstähl and Folke Johansson, published in
the European Journal of Communication, March
- Just as the environment or context is the
centre and axis from which communicative
action springs in the andersch, staats and
bostrom’s model of communication, 1969,
ideology is the central ‘generator’ of news
coverage according to Westerstähl and Johans-
son.
The prevailing ideology of national interest
works through four primary criteria for news
selection: proximity, importance, drama and
access. The first refers to perceived closeness
to ‘us’ varyingly in terms of geography, culture,
politics, the economy and language. While the
US is distant geographically from the UK, it is
nevertheless important – an elite nation. Th e
Netherlands, in contrast, while being geographi-
cally close, is less ‘important’. Events occurring in
the US are therefore more likely to be reported
than events in Th e Netherlands, unless those
events have a direct relevance to the UK.
We recognize the news values as identifi ed
by Galtung and Ruge here – ethnocentrism and
elitism in particular. The notion of drama is
obvious enough but access is a welcome crite-
rion: where reporting is possible, where report-
ers have access, there is greater likelihood that
foreign events will be covered. Th e nature of that
access is also critical. Th ere was massive cover-
age of the Gulf Wars of 1991 and 2003, but access
to the kind of information reporters wanted if
a full picture of events was to be transmitted
Westerstähl and Johansson’s model of news factors in foreign news, 1994