Numerous good recent accounts exist of the universal history boom in the late
Republic and early Principate: Burde 1974; Woodman 1975; Momigliano 1987; Alonso-
Núñez 1987; Sacks 1981, 96 – 121; Sacks 1990; Clarke 1999a and b; Wheeler 2002.
Clarke 1999b, 251 – 52, against Livy’s universal status.
Cf. Momigliano 1987, 44, for how the world conquest of Pompey and Caesar
is a “congenial atmosphere” for universal history; Clarke 1999b.
My label of the “Walter Raleigh” periodization trap is owed to Sellar and
Yeatman (1930, 69 – 70), who point out that James I had “a very logical and tidy mind,
and one of the first things he did was to have Sir Walter Raleigh executed for being left
over from the previous reign.”
Note that Appian carefully and explicitly registers that Pompey did not enter
into Egypt itself: Mith.114.
Spain (44.5.8, the very end of the work); Parthia (42.5.10 – 12).
41.1.1; cf. Alonso-Núñez 1987, 64 – 65, on how Trogus “intended to show the
Parthians as the moral heirs of the Persians and to emphasize the duality between East
and West.” For material on the Parthian empire as the equivalent of the Roman, see
Woodman 1977, 126; Mattern 1999, 66, 107.
Here I can do no more than gesture at a vast bibliography, beginning with the
classic work of Kermode (1967). We return to these issues in a discussion of Virgilian
time in chapter 5.
And, I argue below (pp. 143 – 44), with the resulting dedication of Hercules
Musarum in 184.
Tempting as it has been to some to hypothesize that Ennius’s three-book
extension culminated with the triumph of Aemilius Paullus over Macedonia in 167
b.c.e., the evidence of Cicero that Ennius died before that year is insurmountable: see
Skutsch 1980, 103 – 4, on Cic. Brut.78 and Sen.14.
3.3.8 – 9; cf. Alonso-Núñez 1983, 424.
39.8.6.
See Kraus in Kraus and Woodman 1997, 54, for the controversy over whether
Livy had a planned end point that he extended, like Polybius, or whether “the end-
point of the Ab Urbe Conditawas incessantly deferred, as Roman history moved on,
and the history of Rome moved with it.”
Clarke 1999a, 312.
Clarke (1999a, 254 – 55 and 287) well brings out the way that Strabo’s post-
Actium world is no longer divided.
On the map of Agrippa, and its implications, see esp. Nicolet 1991, 98 – 111;
Wiseman 1992, advancing the attractive argument that Julius Caesar had already laid
the path.
B. Anderson 1991, 188.
notes to pages 65 – 67
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