140 PLANS OF REFORM"What a contradiction," exclaims Speransky, "to wish for science,
commerce, and industry, and not admit their most natural consequences;
to desire that reason be free and the will in bonds; to expect the
passions to progress and change, while their object - the desire for
liberty - remains at the same point; [we want] the people to enrich
themselves and yet not enjoy the freedom which is the best fruit of the
increase of their wealth I History does not know of any enlightened
and commercial people that remained in slavery for long." 1 The
truth of the matter is that since the reign of Catherine II, and especially
since the accession of Alexander I, economic prosperity was promoted
and education was spread, while changes in the political system were not
allowed. The discrepancy, the "inner contradiction" in the situation
are becoming more and more noticeable, and their bad effects are felt
more acutely from year to year. 2
The real strength of a political system resides not so much in the
brute force of its army and police as in the moral power of the govern-
ment. In Russia, alas, the moral force of the government has grown
weak as a result of the basic cleavage and discrepancy just noted. The
acts of the government meet with no respect and are constantly
misinterpreted because the country sees no relation between the actions
of the state and its own aspirations and needs. In short, "the present
mental attitudes are in complete contrast to the method of govern-
ment." 3 And the worst of it is that the loss in moral prestige affects
most particularly the supreme power, the Emperor. The blame for it
falls on the monarch and not on his ministers and councillors. This is
to be expected, for under the existing system the Tsar's ministers and
advisors are not publicly responsible for their actions; they can always
hide behind the Emperor. From this analysis, Speransky draws his
first conclusion: no partial measure of reform will prove satisfactory or
materially ameliorate the situation.' At this particular moment of her
historical evolution, Russia is in need of a new system of administration
consonant with her level of development. "The universal discontent,
the predisposition to negative interpretations of the present, are nothing
but a general expression of boredom and satiation with the existing
state of things."4 Though hidden and inarticulate, there is a strong
urge and need for change in Russian society.
Such a situation, Speransky feels, justifies his presenting a far
reaching plan of reorganization and reform, a plan that will be in
1 Plan 1809, pp. 19 (note), 25.
2 ibid., pp. 22-24 passim.
3 ibid., p. 28.
4 ibid., p. 29.