THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD IN LATE ANTIQUITYrepresentative on earth, and this idea was to become the basis of Byzantine
political theory.^42 Emperors could make and depose patriarchs and summon
and infl uence ecumenical councils. They could also engage in theological dis-
cussion themselves, and publish works on doctrinal issues, as Justinian did,
and emperors legislated throughout the period on matters concerning the
church, attempting, for example, to control access to ordination (which car-
ried tax privileges), and regulating the powers of bishops.^43 But while emper-
ors might also receive relics in formal processions and take part in the increas-
ingly elaborate rituals of the liturgy in St Sophia, where they were accorded
special privileges and entrance to the sanctuary, they were not themselves
yet crowned or anointed in a religious ceremony. Bishops could on occa-
sion humble emperors, and the church often resisted the imperial will. Direct
confl ict between emperors and patriarchs was to become a regular feature of
Byzantine life in later centuries. In practice, the emperor and the church, or
churches, stood in an uneasy relationship towards each other, a balance ren-
dered still more delicate once imperial rule in the west ended.
The religious involvement of members of the imperial house did not show
itself only in the political sphere. Constantine’s mother, Helena, had set a
precedent by visiting the Holy Land and founding churches there.^44 This did
much to establish the idea of Christian pilgrimage, and travellers of all kinds
made their way to Jerusalem and the Holy Land during the later fourth cen-
tury. Some rich Christian ladies founded religious houses there which they
ran on the model of their own aristocratic households:^45 Paula, Fabiola, Mar-
cella, Melania all made the pious journey to Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Later
in the fi fth century the pattern was continued by Eudocia, the Athenian wife
of Theodosius II, who left for the Holy Land in 438 after Melania’s encour-
agement, delivering an elegant speech at Antioch on the way, which she con-
cluded with a quotation from Homer.^46 She had Cyril of Alexandria with her,
and was received at Sidon by Melania herself, whom she described as her
spiritual mother.^47 However, Eudocia was a disruptive fi gure, and her rivalry
with her deeply religious sister-in-law Pulcheria showed itself on her return;
she found herself again in the Holy Land in virtual exile a few years later,
and, once there, her estranged husband forced her to reduce the magnifi -
cence of her household. All the same, Eudocia’s patronage in the Holy Land
in general was extensive and included churches, monasteries and hospices,
some of which she recorded in her own epigrams.^48 A later empress, Theo-
dora, the wife of Justinian (died 548), was remembered by eastern Miaphysites
for her protection in Constantinople of their clergy and the monks driven to
take refuge there by her husband’s policies. We are even told that Justinian as
well as Theodora would visit the non-Chalcedonians in the Palace of Horm-
isdas, talk with them and seek their blessing,^49 and this was continued by their
imperial successors, Justin II and his wife Sophia, who is also said to have
inclined towards Miaphysitism. Theodora is notorious for beginning adult life
as a variety performer in shows of dubious morality; after her elevation to
pious respectability as empress she included among her charitable acts the