CHRISTIANIZATION AND ITS CHALLENGESIn considering the secular literature (and indeed art) of the period it is hard
to draw the line between what is classical and what is actually pagan; indeed,
‘Hellene’ itself became the regular Greek word for ‘pagan’.^56 The distinction
was also seen as a problem by Christians themselves, some of whom attacked
Greek classical literature and ‘Hellenes’ in no uncertain terms. The modern
controversy about the secular Latin literature and classicizing art produced in
Rome in the late fourth and early fi fth centuries is also in part about a mat-
ter of defi nition: the appearance of classical or mythological themes is not
in itself evidence that its owners or patrons were not themselves Christian,
and patrons were as often Christian themselves as pagan; there was in any
case considerable similarity between Christian and secular luxury artefacts
such as silver plate and ivories and the modern distinction between Christian
and ‘pagan’ objects is misleading.^57 However, religious allegiances among the
Roman aristocracy of the late fourth and early fi fth centuries were complex;
despite the apparent attitude of the state to pagan cult, members of the sena-
torial aristocracy in Rome went on holding multiple priesthoods, and this was
no empty formality, while emperors themselves continued to exercised some
pontifi cal functions even while legislating about Christianity.^58 Cyril Mango
is right to emphasize that the Byzantine thought-world owed more to ‘a con-
struct of the Christian and Jewish apologists built up in the fi rst fi ve or six cen-
turies A.D.’ than to any real conception of classical culture,^59 but he probably
underestimates the persistence of pagan habit and practice – not necessarily
to be identifi ed with ‘classical’ ideas.
As for the actual process of Christianization within late antique society,
it took place slowly. It is hard to judge the reality of religious conviction in
a society from sources which are often polemical or exaggerated. It was a
regular feature in Christian literature to compile catalogues of pagan cults
and heresies, each with its Christian counter-argument, and this has led to
a general caricature of paganism in the Christian sources. The trend started
at least as early as the second century, and was a major theme in Christian
writing thereafter; the ‘Medicine chest’ of ‘remedies’ against heresy written
by the bishop Epiphanius of Salamis in Cyprus in the 370s quickly became a
classic and was a model for Augustine and for many Greek writers including
John of Damascus in the eighth century. As we have seen, the state offi cially
claimed to be imposing Christianity from the reign of Theodosius I onwards;
Christians took advantage of imperial legislation to attack pagan temples and
statues, and occasionally the violence was carried out by soldiers at imperial
command. However, attempts to carry out the orders were often greeted with
resistance by the local population, and clashes could also arise from personal
grievances and rivalries, as they did among the students at Alexandria.^60 The
main temple at Aphrodisias, for instance, was not converted into a church
until the sixth century, and well over a century after Theodosius, Justinian
was still legislating against pagans and issuing laws against dissidents including
heretics, Manichaeans and homosexuals, particularly those who were teach-
ers.^61 But while Justinian certainly pursued a strongly pro-Christian policy, this