World War Two and the Partisan Struggle 109
in Slovenia and Croatia, where nationalism was a disturbing factor, Tito and
Svetozar Vukmanović promoted it in Macedonia in order to strengthen the
resistance, which was slow in gathering momentum. In 1941 and 1942, the efforts
of the CPY to organize a Macedonian revolt against the Bulgarians repeatedly
met with failure. Initially, the local population had hailed the occupation by
the Bulgarian army with enthusiasm, happy to rid itself of the Serbian yoke.
But it was soon clear that the Bulgarians had no intention of respecting their
language and national identity. With regard to the exploitation of mines and
local manpower, things under the new regime were no better than before. More
important than the popular dissatisfaction with the occupiers was Moscow’s
decision in June 1941 to resume diplomatic relations with the Yugoslav govern-
ment, prompting the Comintern to immediately annul its decision regarding
the union of the Macedonian communists with the Bulgarian Worker’s Party.
They should return to the Yugoslav fold.^312
During the war, the policy of the Bulgarian Worker’s Party differed com-
pletely from that of the CPY. It refused to fight the domestic Nazi-friendly
regime in order not to stir up a civil war and limited itself to anti-German
propaganda pending the arrival of the Red Army. It accepted the Comintern’s
decision on Macedonia, which favored the CPY and its struggle against Fas-
cism, but in practice it continued to act in favor of a passive resistance, affirming
that in Bulgaria conditions were not yet ripe for an armed uprising. At the end
of 1942, Tito decided to act: he sent one of his most energetic collaborators,
Svetozar Vukmanović (Tempo) to Skopje, where he soon succeeded in orga-
nizing a nucleus of resistance in Macedonia (especially in the western part,
which had been annexed to Albania by the Italians). He was less successful in
the province of Kosovo, where the local Albanian population had never enjoyed
such rights or well-being as it had under Italian domination. Mostly the Serbs
and Montenegrins of the region, finding themselves in the unpleasant role of a
minority, were responsive to Tempo’s words and began joining his units, which,
however, could only operate along the borders of Serb, Montenegrin, or Mace-
donian territory. After the collapse of Italy this situation remained unchanged.
Kosovo was occupied by the Germans, who stirred up anti-Yugoslav hatred
among the population by claiming that the Partisans were Russian and Serb
agents who were determined to split up Greater Albania and enslave Kosovo
again. This propaganda was not without effect. In order to defend themselves
against Slav enemies, the Albanians organized a political and military move-
ment called Balli Kombëtar, which succeeded in controlling the province until
the end of the war.^313
In spite of tensions between the Slavs and the Albanians in Kosovo and west-
ern Macedonia, the CPY established cordial relations with the communists in