Tito and His Comrades

(Steven Felgate) #1

Notes to Pages ix–x 459


1944 (Istraživanja Državne komisije za tajne grobnice),” HERETICUS-Časopis za pre-
ispitivanje prošlosti 1–2 (2011): 9–36.



  1. There is an extensive English-language scholarship on historical revisionism and
    nationalist reframings in ex-Yugoslavia. For examples from different parts of the region,
    see Sabrina P. Ramet, “Memory and Identity in the Yugoslav Successor States,” Nation-
    alities Papers 41, no. 6 (2013): 876, and Ramet, “The Denial Syndrome and Its Conse-
    quences: Serbian Political Culture since 2000,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies
    40, no. 1 (2007): 41–58; Oto Luthar, “Forgetting Does (Not) Hurt: Historical Revision-
    ism in Post-Socialist Slovenia,” Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (2013): 882–92; Vjeran
    Pavlaković, “Symbols and the Culture of Memory in Republika Srpska Krajina,” Nation-
    alities Papers 41, no. 6 (2013): 893–909; Tea Sindbaek, “The Fall and Rise of a National
    Hero: Interpretations of Draža Mihailović and the Chetniks in Yugoslavia and Serbia
    since 1945,” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 17, no. 1 (2009): 47–59; Nebojša
    Čagorović, “Anti-fascism and Montenegrin Identity since 1990,” History 97, no. 398
    (2012): 578–90.

  2. A useful overview of this process in Croatia and Serbia can be found in Srdjan
    Cvijić, “Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and
    Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia,” Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4
    (2008): 713–40. Timothy Garton Ash discusses this phenomenon in a broader East
    European context in the opening section of “Trials, Purges and History Lessons: Treat-
    ing a Difficult Past in Post-Communist Europe,” in Memory and Power in Post-war
    Europe, ed. Jan-Werner Müller (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 266.

  3. Critiques of the parallel can be found in Jelena Subotić, “The Mythologizing of
    Communist Violence,” in Post-Communist Transitional Justice: Lessons from 25 Years of
    Experience, ed. Lavinia Stan and Nadya Nedelsky (New York: Cambridge University
    Press, 2015), 188–209, and Slavko Goldstein and Ivo Goldstein, Jasenovac i Bleiburg nisu
    isto (Zagreb: Novi Liber, 2011).

  4. Pirjevec did so through analysis of the Vidovdan holiday over the course of the
    Yugoslav twentieth century. See Jože Pirjevec, Il Giorno di san Vito. Jugoslavia 1918–1992:
    Storia di una tragedia (Turin: Nuova Eri, 1993). English-language overviews of Yugosla-
    via include John B. Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia (New York: Columbia University
    Press, 2000); John R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country (New York:
    Cambridge University Press, 2000); Sabrina P. Ramet, The Three Yugoslavias: State-
    Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006).

  5. On interwar Yugoslavia, see Christian Axboe Nielsen, Making Yugoslavs: Identity
    in King Aleksandar’s Yugoslavia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), and Dejan
    Djokić, Elusive Compromise: A History of Interwar Yugoslavia (New York: Columbia
    University Press, 2007). On World War II, see Jelena Batinić, Women and Yugoslav Par-
    tisans: A History of World War II Resistance (New York: Cambridge University Press,
    2015); Max Bergholz, Violence as a Generative Force: Identity, Nationalism, and Memory in
    a Balkan Community (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016); Marko Attila Hoare,
    Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia: The Partisans and the Chetniks, 1941–1943
    (Oxford: Oxford University Press/British Academy, 2006); Emily Greble, Sarajevo, 1941–
    1945: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Hitler’s Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
    Press, 2011). On the early socialist era, see Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Peasants and
    Communists: Politics and Ideology in the Yugoslav Countryside, 1941–1953 (Pittsburgh, PA:
    University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998).

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