198 notes to page 64
Barchinone.” A cana was approximately 160 centimeters. ACA, RP, MR, 620 ,
fol. 69 r ( 16 June 1304 ): “... Item mostrans dos albarans de vestir dels dits je nets
de VI canas de biffa de paris per dues jubes... .” ACA, RP, MR, 620 , fol. 107 r
( 15 June 1305 ): “... An Arnau Sabastida de part den Arnau Almerich que dedes a
Muça Mufarrax Asxaar tres canas de biffa de paris por una juba... .”
81. Marcel Mauss, Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés
archaïques; and Georges Bataille, La part maudite, precédé de la notion de dépense.
82. ACA, R 334 , fols. 63 v – 64 r ( 21 May 1302 ): “... el Senyor Rey de Ara-
gon lembia dos falchones grifalles e dos falchones grueros e un falchonero del
Rey.. .”; and ACA, R 334 , fol. 64 v ( 21 May 1302 ). For the Islamic context, see
EI 2 , s.v. “bayzara.” See also Louis Mercier, La Chasse et les sports chez les Arabes,
esp. 81 – 106 , and extensive bibliography. In contrast to medieval Europe, falconry
was not solely an elite diversion in the Islamic world. See also Tapia y Salcedo, Ex-
ercicios de la gineta, 111 , who connects falconing and the skill of riding a la jineta:
“De los exercicios mas generosos de la Gineta es la Cetreria ò Volaterio; para
el qual (ademas de tantos preceptos como se necessita) es menester gran diversi-
dad de Pajaros de partes muy remotas”; and Juan Manuel, El libro de la caza, ed.
G. Baist.
83. Rachel Arié, El reino Naṣrí de Granada, 1232 – 1492 , 231 , as cited by Catlos,
“Mahomet Abenadalill,” 288 n 115. See also José Angel García de Cortázar y Ruiz
de Aguirre, “Las necesidades ineludibles: alimentación, vestido, vivienda,” in La
época del gótico en la cultura española, ed. José Angel García de Cortázar y Ruiz
de Aguirre, 41.
84. See EI 2 , s.v. “marāsim” and “tashrīfāt.”
85. An argument made, for instance, in Marc Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred
Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France; and Clifford Geertz, Negara: The
Theatre State in Nineteenth- Century Bali.
86. Burns, Islam under the Crusaders, 298 : “Ideology or religion was no abso-
lute obstacle to participation”; idem, Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Crusader
Kingdom of Valencia: Societies in Symbiosis, 15 : “Military action, quite apart from
Muslim- Christian hostilities, provided a friendly contact”; idem, “Renegades, Ad-
venturers and Sharp Businessmen: The Thirteenth- Century Spaniard in the Cause
of Islam,” Catholic Historical Review 58 , no. 3 ( 1972 ): 341 – 66 , esp. 341 – 42 ; Lourie,
“A Jewish Mercenary,” 368 : “If the cultural heterogeneity, the frontier conditions
and the combination of geo- political rivalries with religious warfare facilitated the
employment of Muslim mercenaries by Christian princes (and vice versa), in spite
of that self- conscious confrontation of Christianity with Islam which was one en-
during aspect of the Reconquest, then uprooted, outcast, or merely adventurous
Jews can scarcely have found the ‘ideological’ conditions uncongenial to the offer-
ing of their swords for sale in medieval Spain”; Barton, “Traitors to the Faith?”
38 : “When all was said and done, the search for wealth, status and power, the chief
motors of aristocratic behaviour down the ages, was always likely to take precen-
dence over religious or ideological considerations”; Catlos, “Mahomet Abenada-