Mothers and Children. Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe - Elisheva Baumgarten

140. Haberman, Gezerot Ashkenaz veZ·arfat, 37. This story has been discussed extensively in re-
     search in recent years: Chazan, European Jewry, 103–105; Cohen, “Persecutions,” 185–95; Yuval,
     “Vengeance and Damnation,” 68. My reading of this event differs slightly from that of Yuval’s.


141. Haberman, Gezerot Ashkenaz veZ·arfat, 35, and in translation: Chazan, European Jewry,


142. I have changed the last two words of the second sentence from “in their pseudo-faith” as
     Chazan translated these with: “to their erroneous faith.”


143. Haberman, Gezerot Ashkenaz veZ·arfat, 34.


144. Cohen, “Persecutions,” 195–205, esp. 199–200, compares Rachel to the Virgin Mary in
     her aspect of mater dolorosa, a comparison that is very apt for my purposes here. He then proceeds
     to expand this comparison to include synagogaand ecclesia. For my purposes, the more immedi-
     ate comparison and contrast between Hosea and Psalms should suffice.


145. Haberman, Gezerot Ashkenaz veZ·arfat, 96.


146. For example, ibid., 79, in which two women kill a newborn to prevent his falling into the
     hands of the Crusaders.


147. For the Christian response to these deeds, see: Albertis Aachenis, Recueil des historiens des
     croisades, Historiens occidentaux 2 (Paris, 1879), 293: “Matres pueris lactentibus, quod dictu nefas
     est, guttura ferro secabant, alios transforabant, volentes potius sic propriis manibus perire, quam
     incirconcisorum armis exstingui”; Yuval, “Vengeance and Damnation,” 75–79; Minty, “Kiddush
     haShem,” 214–47. I reject the suggestion of Magdalene Schultz that Christian anger was the re-
     sult of their own feelings of inferiority because Christians believed Jews loved their children more
     than they did: “The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood,” Journal of Psychohistory
     14(1986): 1–23, esp. 7–10.


148. It is interesting to note that the actions of Jewish women are mentioned mainly in the in-
     ternal Jewish discourse and receive no comment in most of the Christian writings documenting
     this period. Albert of Aachens, quoted above, is an exception to this rule. See, for example, the
     cases discussed by Yuval, “Vengeance and Damnation,” 76; Minty, “Kiddush haShem,” 214–26.

Notes to Conclusion

1. For a comparison between the education of boys and girls, see Baumgarten, “Religious Ed-
   ucation of Children in Medieval Jewish Society” (forthcoming).


2. See Appendix to chapter 2.


3. Haym Soloveitchik, “Religious Law and Change: The Medieval Ashkenazic Example,” AJS
   Review12(1986): 205–22. The author points to the self-image of the community during the
   eleventh and twelfth centuries, but does not inquire as to how this self-conception changed over
   time. See also: Israel J. Yuval, “Heilige Städte, Heilige Gemeinden. Mainz als des Jerusalem
   Deutschlands,” in Judische Gemeinden und Organisationsform, eds. Robert Jütte und Abraham P.
   Kustermann (Wien, 1996), 91–101.


4. Marcus, “From Politics to Martyrdom,” 40–52.


5. Susan Einbinder, “Jewish Women Martyrs: Changing Models of Representation,” Exemple-
   ria12(2000): 105–27.


6. Lett, L’enfant des miracles, 107–14; Taglia, “The Cultural Construction of Childhood,” 255–
   88, esp. 258–65; Bolton, “Mulieres Sanctae,” 77–95; Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast, 21–23.

NOTES TO CONCLUSION 239