(Lapidoth, 1997: 38). Autonomy falls short of sovereignty and is
therefore likely to be revocable. ‘Once federation or autonomy has
been granted and despoiled’, Zartman has observed, ‘the
trustworthiness of the granting government has been weakened and
the formula loses its value as a solution. There are no absolute
guarantees to federation or autonomy except for the good faith of
the government’ (Zartman, 1998: 324). It is thus better as a means
of preventing ethnic conflict (Harris and Reilly, 1998: 155–8) than
as a palliative for a conflict which is well underway. The issue of
the dispersal of state power has certainly provoked controversy in
Afghan circles (see Shahrani, 1998; Reshtia, 1998). Some com-
mentators fear that any departure from a unitary model opens a
door to warlordism, but that is not necessarily so. It is possible to
situate the main coercive powers of the state exclusively in the
hands of central authorities, through control of armed forces, but at
the same time to distribute important responsibilities to levels of
government which are closer to ordinary communities. Such an
approach can do much to exploit the capacities of local structures
of governance which have emerged through two decades of polit-
ical disturbance. This is one basis upon which one can bring about
a desirable separation of powers. An emphasis on matching local
concerns with local authorities to address such concerns also helps
address the extremely sensitive issue of ethnic influence in politics.
If the political system offers multiple points of access for citizens,
either as petitioners or aspirants to political office, particular
groups are less likely to feel marginalised.
The fourth challenge relates to the holding of free and fair elec-
tions within two years of the Emergency Loya Jirgah. An election
is a very large-scale and complex logistical exercise, with many
different elements (Maley and Saikal, 1992: 33–48). Meticulous
planning is required, as well as highly trained staff and efficient
mechanisms for securing preparation, storage, transportation, and
counting of ballot papers. It may also be necessary to protect
voters against intimidation. Just to meet the deadlines in the Bonn
Agreement, it is necessary to undertake a number of quite complex
tasks at high speed (Fischer, 2001). The problems are so daunting
The Fall of the Taliban 279