further, with large tracts of land in Leicestershire.^57 Likewise, Bishop
Louis obtained formal grants of territory that had been forfeited for
treason, with specific reference to his‘royal rights’between the Tyne
and the Tees.^58 Yet the honeymoon period did not last long, and the
problem, once again, was the government’s attitude towards the Scots.
Henry seems to have expected that there would be no further talk of
peace. Indeed, in early 1327, he secured the wardship of the titular earl
of Atholl, the young David of Strathbogie, and soon arranged David’s
marriage to his own daughter, Catherine.^59 Later that year, Henry took
part in the‘Weardale campaign’.^60 However, the abject failure of those
few months played its part in pushing Queen Isabella and Roger Morti-
mer towards making afinal settlement with the Scots. The treaty of
Edinburgh and Northampton, agreed in the spring of 1328, recognized
King Robert, for thefirst time, as the ruler of an independent polity,
with no subordinate ties to England. Consistent with his standfive years
earlier, Henry was deeply opposed to the deal, regarding it as a shame-
ful capitulation, and he was not alone in this. Although the English and
the Scottish both made loose assurances in the treaty, from this point
onwards, we can begin to speak of‘the Disinherited’: that is, a small but
tight-knit group of Anglo-Scottish lords, structured, above all, around
Henry, who were soon at work to try to overthrow the settlement.^61
As a result, several of the Disinherited were implicated in the schemes
of Henry of Lancaster, brother and successor of the late Thomas, in
1328 – 9. Whilst open conflict was avoided and the vast majority of those
involved were forgiven, some seventy named individuals were specifically
excluded from the pardon, including Henry of Beaumont. Henry was
left with no option other than toflee into exile in France.^62 As Seymour
Philips has noted,‘it [is] deeply ironic that some of those who [had]
invaded England with Isabella and Mortimer in 1326 were once again
abroad and plotting, this time Mortimer’s downfall’.^63 Henry’s exile
(^57) The Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, iv, 12; and Maddicott’s article in theODNB.
(^58) Calendar of the Close Rolls: Edward III, i, 55.
(^59) Calendar of the Fine Rolls, iii, 431. The date of the marriage is discussed in A. Beam,The
Balliol Dynasty, 1210– 1364 (Edinburgh, 2008), 241.
(^60) For Henry’s role in this campaign, see esp.Eulogium (historiarum sive temporis): chronicon
ab orbe condito usque ad annum Domini M.CCC.LXCI., ed. F. Haydon, 3 vols. (London,
1858 – 63), iii, 201.
(^61) For a more detailed analysis of the crystallization of the Disinherited, see S. Cameron
and A. Ross,‘The Treaty of Edinburgh and the Disinherited (1328–1332)’,inHistory 84
(1999), 237–56.
(^62) The Lancaster conspiracy is neatly summed up in Ormrod,Edward III,74–8.
(^63) Phillips,Edward II, 569. The earl of Lancaster never forgot the debt that he owed to
Henry of Beaumont. A series of marriages took place between the two dynasties in the
early 1330s, including the wedding of Henry’s daughter, Isabella, to the Lancastrian
The Coming of the Hundred Years’War 155