276 chapter four
groups mentioned: they lived on the territory of the future Moldavia,546
and we can rule out the idea that they had any particular quarrel with
the kingdom of Serbia. their involvement in the Balkan conflict, like the
cohesion of the whole great alliance gathered around argeş and tarnovo,
must have been directed by a higher will, and under the circumstances
this can only have been the all-powerful khan Özbek.547
the Zakonik list of those fighting in the Northern wing does not allow
us to deduce a hierarchy among members of the alliance under Golden
horde patronage. the Zakonik relates that the ‘black tartars’ dwelt in a
land with rich pastures for their herds of horses and flocks of livestock,
neighbouring the Wallachian principality, and this can only have been the
Bujak. at that time, as in times to come, the lower Siret river formed the
eastern boundary, and in later documents is noted as dividing Muntenia
from “tartar lands.”548
the Serbian source thus offers us the first political map of the roma-
nian principality, and what most clearly emerges is the classic outlines
and centralised structure of Wallachia, fully formed by 1330, at which
moment the country formed part of the Golden horde hegemony.
the mere existence of such a state went directly against the fundamen-
tal interests of the hungarian kingdom. thus it should be no surprise that
charles I attempted to change the status quo between the middle car-
pathians and the Danube, sending many envoys to Basarab for the pur-
pose. the great voyvode accepted hungarian suzerainty549 in exchange
for recognition of the romanian principality and his own position as ruler,
and was prepared to pay tribute. In order to reduce the pressure which
the hungarian kingdom was exerting on his state with the established
support of the roman catholic church, Basarab also made confessional
concessions: in 1327, when he founded the princely church (Biserica
Domnească) at curtea de argeş the pope called him an “unbending pillar”
of catholicism, and asked him to continue to support the church.550
546 ciocîltan, “alanii,” p. 939.
547 the majority of romanian historians accept tartar suzerainty over the romanian
principality during the period of the genesis and first development of the state; panaitescu,
Introducere, pp. 306–307, Brătianu, “rois,” pp. 9–10, papacostea, Românii, pp. 122–125, 167–
168, Iosipescu, “românii,” pp. 58–59, 69 ff.; this has been contested by holban, “rapor-
turile,” pp. 17–19.
548 cf. ciocîltan, “părţile,” passim, and idem, “alanii,” pp. 948–949.
549 thus in the diploma of 1324 he is called Bazarad, woyuodam nostrum Transalpinum
(DRH D, I, pp. 36–37).
550 DRH D, I, pp. 39–40.