Gender and family: classical ageLabor and the economy during the ritsuryo ̄ era
In classical Japan, natural families of the farming population were fluid and unstable, and there-
fore could not function independently as units for regulating agricultural production. Instead,
they were incorporated into larger production groups organized under provincial elites.^40 The
state required male subjects to submit agricultural produce taxes paid in rice (so or denso), produce
taxes paid in cloth and other goods (yō and chō), and “miscellaneous corvée” labor service (zōyō).
Male subjects were also liable for military conscription. Female subjects, who received two- thirds
of the rice paddy allotment given to male subjects, had to submit only agricultural produce taxes,
but they were the producers of the silk, cloth, and thread that were the main materials demanded
as yō and chō. Women produced everyday clothing as well as textile products through collabora-
tion with other women, and they actively participated in managing and distributing these
products.^41
On the other hand, local powerful families accumulated private wealth as village and district
leaders. According to Shoku Nihongi, both male and female members of these local elite houses
received court ranks by donating portions of their personal assets to the crown. Nihon ryōiki, a
collection of Buddhist didactic tales compiled in the early Heian period, provides a detailed
picture of the ways in which such families accrued personal wealth. A male leader (iegimi) and his
wife (ie no toji) managed their households (ie), which included both real relatives and others
without blood ties. Although older scholarship claims that the male ran the household while the
wife took care of food distribution, newer studies show that both male and female leaders were
co- owners of their ie and managed it collaboratively.^42 According to this newer hypothesis, the ie
of a local influential family could easily decline because of the difficulties faced in maintaining
power following the death of an experienced male or female leader. Even more recent scholar-
ship, therefore, argues that regardless of sex, the more capable leader became the family head.^43
Moreover, a special governing principle in classical Japan was that both aristocratic men and
women participated in state politics as officials. At an important ritual event, which many of his
followers attended, Shōmu (701–756, r. 724–749) stated, “It is proper that both men and women
equally serve the sovereign, because not only men but also women inherit the dignity of their
ancestors.” As Shōmu’s words indicate, women in classical Japan served the ruler as officials,
under the principle that both men and women should support the throne.
Service at court brought aristocratic women economic power. When a woman with a court
post was promoted to the third rank or above, the state provided her with staff and allowed her
to establish an official household. Aristocratic women used their ie as a foundation to accumulate
personal wealth.^44
Additionally, women of different socio- political levels—from villages to the royal court—
attended important events including rituals and festivities. For example, the state ordered both
male and female officials to attend the Great Purification Rite (ōharae) held by the court to expiate
sins. Furthermore in 721, the state specifically ordered wives, daughters, and sisters of officials to
participate in the Great Purification Rite.
Similarly, the concept that only a man should represent the ie (and his family members) had
not yet been adopted into village- level society. For example, the Yōrō code included laws on
ceremonial protocols that prescribed rules for village festivals in the spring. According to eighth-
century legal scholars, all men and women of a village gathered at the local festival, where they
were informed about the laws and shared food and drink.^45
Before ending this section, it is important to introduce a perspective essential for analyzing
Japanese family and gender under the ritsuryō system. Yoshida Takashi observed that the social
structure and overall development of Japan at the time the ritsuryō system was adopted were