222 Part II Psychodynamic Theories
caretaking responsibilities for younger siblings than do German children), but both
cultural groups consider adolescence a transitional phase between childhood and
full adulthood, with its greater work and family duties. Thus, the researchers pre-
dicted both some cultural differences in self-concepts between these two groups of
teenagers, as well as similarities between them in terms of identity achievement as
a predictor, as Erikson theorized, of later developmental concerns.
The German and Cameroonian adolescents were given the Extended Objective
Measure of Ego Identity Status (EOMEIS; Bennion & Adams, 1986), which measures
Erikson’s four identity statuses: achievement (successful exploration of identity ele-
ments and commitment), foreclosure (commitment without adequate exploration of
varying identity elements), moratorium (being in a state of exploration without having
committed yet), and diffusion (neither exploration nor commitment are present). They
were also given a test of their generative concern, with questions such as “I try to pass
along the knowledge that I have gained through my experiences,” a global measure of
their tendencies to be pro-social (altruistic, charitable), and finally the Self-Construal
Scale (SCS; Singelis, 1994), which measures the degree to which individuals feel
relatively more independent versus interdependent in their sense of self.
Results supported predictions. In terms of cultural differences, Busch and Hofer
(2011) found that German students scored significantly higher on the achieved and
diffused identity status features, whereas Cameroonian Nso teens scored higher on
foreclosure and moratorium. On both the pro-social tendencies and generativity con-
cerns scales, the Cameroonian students scored higher than the Germans. Finally, based
on results from the Self-Construal Scale, German students viewed themselves as more
independent, whereas Cameroonian students viewed themselves as more interdepen-
dent. However, for both groups, positive identity predicted generative concerns, indi-
cating that, regardless of culture, achieved identity is developmentally beneficial. That
is, identity “sets up” adolescents to begin to consider their future capacity to positively
guide the next generation. Finally, in both groups, teens with the clearest identity were
the most pro-social, but this effect was stronger for the German teens.
These interesting findings reflect how each culture provides unique pathways
through Erikson’s stages, but that the stages themselves appear to be epigenetic
across cultures, as Erikson predicted. For example, in cultures that emphasize a
more interdependent self-construal like Cameroon, adopting identity elements from
one’s elders may be more valued than it is in a more independent culture like
Germany or even the United States, where young people are urged to distinguish
themselves from their parents and grandparents and find their “own” unique iden-
tity. Furthermore, the authors discuss how cultures differ in their definitions of
pro-social behavior, with some cultures emphasizing moral obligation and others
personal choice. Yet, despite these distinctions between cultures, resolving our
identity crisis in adolescence, regardless of where we reside, enables us to better
take others’ needs to heart, to behave accordingly, and even to begin to consider
turning around and “giving back” to the next generation (Busch & Hofer, 2011).Does Identity Precede Intimacy?
Researchers Wim Beyers and Inge Seiffge-Krenke (2010) asked exactly this question, as
a way of testing Erikson’s epigenetic principal. Does the achievement in adolescence of
a confident sense of identity provide a base for the development of healthy intimate