205and not just the two sides, even other sides will benefit from this
connection” (Hassan 2017 ). This sentiment was reflected by Minister of
Energy, Industry and Natural Resources Khalid al-Faleh who represented
the Kingdom in the BRF meeting in Beijing. Flagging both these initia-
tives, he observed that “Vision 2030 and this (OBOR) initiative are top
priorities when speaking about economic integration as this would enable
us to utilize the Kingdom’s unique location at the nexus of three conti-
nents, Asia, Africa and Europe. The Kingdom’s great and scalable infra-
structure is another asset that would ease the flow of goods and
commodities very efficiently among the three continents” (SPA 2017 ).
At the same time, Islam proves to be a negative factor in the Sino-Gulf
and Sino-Saudi relations. The situation of the Muslim-majority Xinxiang
province has been a serious concern for China and often leads to policies
and situations that are at odds with the OIC. Over the years, China has
restricted the supply of Quran donated by Saudi Arabia for distribution
(Arab News 2017a, b) and curtailed the flow of religious preachers into
the country (Al-Sudairi 2014 ). The Chinese media often speak of restric-
tions being imposed upon its Muslim citizens, especially during the month
of Ramadan (AP 2015 ). The involvement of some of its citizens in the
ISIS and other militant groups has increased the Chinese anxiety and
counter-measures (Chaziza 2016 ). Because of China’s global status, the
OIC, which often flags the situation in Kashmir, remains silent regarding
the Uighur Muslims. The conditions of Muslims are a fault line between
China and Saudi Arabia that both countries are carefully sidestepping at
present but this might blow up if they do not handle it prudently.
iSlamiC RepUbliC of iRan
During much of the Cold War, Saudi Arabia and imperial Iran were on the
same page and were part of the twin pillars of the US strategy in the Gulf.
Both were also close friends and allies of Pakistan, and as discussed earlier,
this partly contributed to limited political exchanges between these two
monarchies and India. The Islamic revolution of 1979 transformed not
only Iran but also the regional political climate. The revolutionary fervour
within the country resulted in Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his
followers hoping for a similar socio-political transformation in the
neighbouring Arab monarchies and this, in turn, revived the historical
Arab-Persian rivalries and tensions (Mabon 2015 ; Furtig 2006 ). The
Iranian revolution also spurred the Shias populations in Arab countries,
especially Saudi Arabia, demanding more rights and empowerment.
INTERNATIONAL FACTORS