268 MARK L. LAWALL
by multiple middlemen. Quantities involved might range from a cargo of
a few thousand amphoras to a small purchase decanted from one jar. The
demand side of the model is populated in general terms by urban dwellers
without access to their own such produce, and further demand would be
created by community events requiring such goods. Crop failures or other
crises, whether localized or widespread, would create demand from those
who would otherwise produce more of their own immediate needs. Wealthy
individuals, regardless of access to their own sources of production, might
also provide demand for purchased supplies. Passing armies would also create
a (hopefully temporary!) spike in demand (Chaniotis 2011 : 126; Couvenhes
2006 : 413–24 covering both seized and marketed supplies). Against this gen-
eral backdrop, significant variation is readily apparent between the sixth and
second centuries.Sixth through Fifth Centuries BCE
In terms of the supply of amphora-based transactions in the sixth through
fifth centuries, little is known of the extent to which amphora producers
might have been directly associated with agricultural producers. Known kiln
sites (such as those at Miletus [Seifert 2004 : 1]; Clazomenae [Ersoy 2003 ] ;
and Mende [Anagnostopoulou-Hatzepolychrone 2006 ]) tend to be found
within or near cities, but this is likely more a result of research strategies
than the reality of ancient geography. On the other hand, traditions related
to amphora design spread across multiple civic territories into broad regional
styles, with the island of Chios coming closest to offering an exception (Lawall
2011d). Markings on the jars at the point of production tend to involve very
few variables; most producers used no markings; and markings never refer
explicitly to the city of production (Lawall 1995 ). Only the diverse pictorial
stamps of the region of Thasos offer a somewhat consistent, but now utterly
opaque, system of amphora marking in the late sixth through early fifth cen-
turies (Garlan 1999a: 54–8). These images could refer to magistrates; they
could refer to workshop owners or potters; they could refer to landowners.
There are, however, no names, whether personal or topographical, stamped or
painted on sixth-century amphoras (though names as graffiti are common; see
Johnston 2004 ).
Moving into the realm of the transactions themselves, the activity of haggling
becomes explicit at least for small-scale purchases as illustrated by vase paint-
ings. The quality of the product is being checked very carefully! Larger-scale
transactions also occurred. The Elephantine customs papyrus from 475 BCE
attests to fees being paid in kind with reference to bulk cargoes (Yardeni 1994 ;
Briant and Descat 1998 ).