The Ancient Greek Economy. Markets, Households and City-States

(Rick Simeone) #1

AChAEMENID ANATOLIA AND ThE SLAVE SUPPLY 319


In a recent essay, Braund has argued that both trading and raiding by Greeks


played a significant role in the acquisition of foreign slaves; in his view raid-


ing seems to play almost as important a role as trade.^10 It should be noted that


a model which accounts for the acquisition of slaves from Anatolia mainly


through raids and warfare by Greeks against non-Greeks is at least historically


plausible: one might note the tactics of Arab slavers in the Sudan, who gutted


the interior in their expeditions for slaves.^11 The model advocated in various


permutations by these scholars is not therefore a priori unlikely.


It does, however, contain serious flaws. First and foremost is a lack of evi-

dence, for the examples of Greek raids into the interior are few and do not nec-


essarily represent a wide-scale phenomenon. Xenophon’s Anabasis, although it


describes in detail the predations of a Greek army, can hardly stand as indica-


tive of normal conditions throughout the classical period. The sheer ubiquity


of Anatolian slaves in the Aegean,^12 if accounted for mainly by Greek raids,


would imply predation on a massive scale. If this were so, surely we would


expect it to be mentioned more prominently in our texts, and such a phenom-


enon must have generated diplomatic friction with the Persians, a subject one


of our writers would have commented on. Yet they do not. If many or most of


the Anatolian slaves in the Aegean world were not snatched by Greek raiders,


they must have been acquired by other means. What could these have been?


The most compelling answer is that Greeks had little to do with the primary

processes of enslavement; rather, slaves were an abundant native ‘commodity’


exchanged for Greek wares through commercial interactions; these are detect-


able archeologically from an early period. Space does not permit a full survey,


but a brief consideration of the excavations at Gordion, the old seat of the


Phrygian kings, should be sufficient to illustrate the point. The finds provide


striking evidence for the steady import of Greek goods to Gordion from the


eighth century onwards. Despite its location hundreds of miles from the coast,


trade in various commodities from the Greek world is evident, particularly pot-


tery and foodstuffs, the transport of which can have been no easy feat.^13 Attic


fine wares seem to have been popular with local elites, and Greek transport


amphoras can be found in large numbers, attesting to local tastes for Greek


wine. What is more, this trade seems to have run unabated despite political and


military friction between Persia and Greece. De Vries writes the following:


One of the most significant aspects of the succeeding period, the Early
Classical, c. 480–450 B.C., is that Attic pottery continued to arrive with
no drop-off. This was, of course, the period when, in the aftermath of the
failed Persian invasion of mainland Greece, the Delian league, under the
direction of Athens, went on the offensive against the Persian Empire (.. .)
the variously hot to cold war, though, had no discernible negative effect
on the trade in Attic fine ware to Gordion or, for that matter, in another
commodity conspicuous at the time, Chian wine.^14
Free download pdf