The Eighteenth Century: the Traditionalists 353
in the sixteenth-century Kitâbu mesâlih; see chapter 4) that emphasize the no-
tion of hadd, limits separating the different classes or estates of people. Thus,
he proposes the use of various uniforms (tenvi’-i libas) in order to distinguish
janissaries and other soldiers from peasants and artisans (288a, 291b). Yet this
suggestion goes further than merely emphasising social markers and takes a
Khaldunist characteristic once more. Dürri complains that scribes and other
officials buy luxury goods in foreign coinage, often surpassing their income in
so doing. Since the statesmen (rical ve ümera ve vüzera) are the unifying agent
of the state (292b: devlet-i aliyyenin asabiyeti), this situation is to the detriment
of state since, in time of war, they all have no money and are therefore un-
able to contribute to victory. Instead, Dürri argues, everyone should dress and
spend according to their place (haddine göre), and this re-ordering (tanzim)
of lifestyle should be imposed on all classes by imperial order. If it is imposed
effectively in times of peace (hazarda), soldiers and statesmen will also be free
of foolish expenditure in times of war as well, and thus will only think of mat-
ters related to war (292a–294a). In Penah Efendi, however, the suggestion of
uniforms is much more clearly reminiscent of Westernizing attempts; not only
does he claim that janissaries of the same group or rank should be dressed in
similar uniforms and that every officer rank should have its own color (B229);
he explains clearly that, to impose order, the Christian armies use what is called
a “regiment” (regmend), which means that 1,000 soldiers or more go on military
exercises in which real battles are imitated and they are made perfect in disci-
pline and order (B158). Army rules must be printed and published in booklets
(which Europeans call fuyte [feuilleton]) so as to be known to everyone (B232).49
What is really striking, however, is the attitude of these authors vis-à-vis
the timariot cavalry. Despite being disrupted and marginalized long ago, their
protection was still a topos of political advice; the reader may remember how
Defterdar respectfully repeated obviously outdated information and rules
about the timar system. More than half a century later, it appears that the abo-
lition of the system had ceased to be the centuries-old taboo it had once been.
As such, Dürri remarks that the term “taxable peasant” should be restricted
to non-Muslims (memalik-i mahrusede ra ’iyyet nutkı hemen ehl-i zimmete hısr
olunmak) since the taxes of any given district are extracted from them alone;
consequently, they become impoverished and destitute. The reason is that,
in the provinces, every single Muslim has a claim to a fief; whenever a tax is
demanded, they all claim to be janissaries or sipahis. Dürri stresses that the
state should thus take action to reduce the number of fiefs (290b–291a). Much
49 Regular training, a three-year proving period and obligatory service at the borders
“according to the old law” are also among Dürri’s proposals (291b–292a).