Confucian Statecraft and Korean Institutions. Yu Hyongwon and the Late Choson Dynasty - James B. Palais

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 25 1147

sillak, 14 sang:4a, Sukchong 9. 1,urmyo, and PBS 3:604. Sukchong 9. I. I 5: Won, "Suk-
chong sidac iii chuj6n." p. 657.



  1. SJW 17=723a, Sukchong 15.3.3 (kyong'o); SukclwnK sillok 20:2Ia. Sukchong
    15.3.kyong'o. For other citations requesting that individual ccntral agcncies or provinces
    be allowed to mint cash aftcr 1685, see Won Yuhan, "Sukchong sidae i1i chuj6n," p. 657.
    Pang Kijung also remarked that Sukchong's main goal in minting and circulating cash
    was to raise more revenue for the government, "Sipch'il-sipP'al chonban segi," p. 159.

  2. PBSDN, 4:236, Sukchong 15.9.7; SJW 16:92 I d-922a, Kanghiii 28.9.7 (kyongja);
    Sukchong sillok 2 r:3 1a; Won, "Sukchong sidae iii chujon," p. 658. It is difficult tojudge
    just what cloth taxes were to be commuted to cash at this rate, but the table of cash com-
    mutations of the cloth tax in r679 presented by Pang Kijung shows only that the lae-
    dong tax payable in cloth for Cholla and Kyi'lngsang provinces were to be commuted to
    cash for one-third the taxes due, and only with the agreement of the taxpayer. For other
    cloth taxcs, the percentage of tax to be commuted to cash was either 50 or 100 percent.
    Possibly K won intended to require one-third of all such cloth taxes to be commuted to
    cash. Sec Pang. "Sipch'il-sipp'al chOn ban segi," p. 159.

  3. PBS 4:422. Sukchong 17· 10.24; SJW 18:569a-b, Kanghui 3 J .8.23 (kyongja); Suk-
    chong sillok, 24:21 b, Sukchong r8.8.kyongja; PBS 4:854. Sukchong 18. ICq.

  4. SJW 18:742c-d, Kanghi1i 32.7.3 (ursa); Won, "Sukchong sidae iii chujon," p. 659;
    Tashiro Kazui, Kinsei Nitcho tsukil boekishi no kenkyii [A study of the history of Japan-
    ese-Korean trade in recent times] (Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1976), pp. 272-75. The annual
    import of 300,000 kiln of copper up to 1693 was 44 percent of total Japanese copper
    exports (300.000/681.387 kiln) in 1693. If that import figure were constant, it would have
    been 68.5 percent and 7 I percent in J 69 I and J 692 when total Japanese exports were
    only 437,667 and421,874 kiln, respectively. Tashiro argues that the expansion ofJapan-
    ese copper mining was stimulated by increased Korean demand for copper after 1678.
    Ibid., p. 274. table JI-II.

  5. SJW 19:266c-d. Kanghi1i 33.9.13 (muin), (1695); PBSDN 4:725-6. Sukchong
    21,9.29. 21. I 0.2: ibid. 4:740. Sukchong 2 I.I I.21; MHBG J 59: 12b.
    ro. To compare thesc prices in 1694 with Yu HyongwclI1's exchange schedule, Kim
    said that in the spring 1 mal of rice was worth .5 yang or 50 1II1l11 of cash. or 50 coins.
    This price was 2.5 times Yu's fixed value of 20 munlmal. but this was exactly the ricelcash
    exchange rate that Ch'oe said existed after the fall harvest when rice was at its cheapest
    level. If the average rice price wcrc taken at 3 mal/yang or 33.3 coins per mal, then either
    Yu's estimate of the cash price of rice was 1.1·.1/", or 40 percent higher than the "real"
    market price, or the price of rice had dropped by that amount between 1670 and 1694.
    1 I. MHBG 159:13a-b.

  6. Sukchong sillok 29::nb, Sukchong 2 I .12.musul; Won Yuhan, "Sukchong sidae iii
    ehujon," p. 658.

  7. Sllkc/70flK sil/ok 29:33b. Sukchong 21.1 2.musul; Won Yuhan. "Sllkchong: sidac i1i
    chujon," p. 658.

  8. Sukchollf? sillok 30:44a-h, Sukchong 22.8.pyongsul; Won Yllhan. "Sukchong sidae
    iii chuj(m." p. 662: Tashiro Kazui, Kinsei Nitchli tsukr, hockishi 110 kenkyii. p. 274. Japan-
    ese copper exports plummeted precipitously from I -4 million hin in 1697 to 26,453 kiln

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