The Etruscan World (Routledge Worlds)

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  • Robert Leighton –


connected with ritual in Etruria.^55 It may be an exaggeration to call the sixth century
a “new act” rather than just a “scene change” in Etruscan urbanism, but it raises the
question of how the seventh-century city, with its ideologically charged manifestations
of tumuli, cults and exotica, should be distinguished from its Archaic successor, and
how monuments of earlier periods were reconciled with changing values and social
realities in later times. Superfi cially at least, the later (sixth/fi fth-century) cities may
seem more bureaucratic, pragmatic and integrative, with their additional public works
(better city walls, streets, water works and harbors) but the physical remains and
symbols, if not also the memory and traditions, of their origins and early growth, must
still have been apparent.


NOTES

1 For example, Osborne and Cunliffe 2005. I have prioritized recent works below.
2 The absolute chronology of the EIA is debated (Bartoloni and Delpino 2005). It can be
subdivided between an earlier and later phase (Primo Ferro 1, roughly 950–825 bc; and
Primo Ferro 2, roughly 825–725 bc). All centuries in my text are bc (or bce) unless indicated
otherwise.
3 di Gennaro and Guidi 2009; Pacciarelli 2009; 2010; Maggiani 2010. For Veii and Caere, see
also Berardinetti et al. 1997: 317–8; di Gennaro et al. 2004; Cerasuolo 2008: 690–1.
4 For example, Bietti Sestieri 1997.
5 For Doganella, see Perkins 2010: 104–6, with references.
6 Pacciarelli 2000: 170; Barceló et al. 2002; Negroni Catacchio and Cardosa 2005.
7 San Giuliano, about 23 km east of Tarquinia, might represent a strategic outpost, safeguarding
its hinterland (Pacciarelli 2010: 20). See also Bonghi Jovino 2005a: 45.
8 Barker and Rasmussen (1998: 61–3) note the limitations of dating survey pottery, which also
makes it hard to chart the speed of change. For various debates with references, see Vanzetti
(2004).
9 For example, Mandolesi 1999 (Tarquinia); Patterson 2004 (Veii).
10 For example, Rajala (2005: 710) suggests 500–1000 people for EIA Veii.
11 For example, Berardinetti et al. 1997: 319; di Gennaro et al. 2004. Chiusi is often regarded
as a series of villages, although this is disputed by Pacciarelli (2000: 131–2). Villanovan
Bologna, however, does not appear to have coalesced into a single physical unit until the
eighth century (Ortalli 2008).
12 Pacciarelli (2010: 23) calls them corporate groups and suggests that the later institution of
the Roman curiae (Smith 2005) may ultimately derive from this type of “horizontal” social
organization.
13 di Gennaro and Guidi 2009: 434.
14 Pacciarelli 2000: 170, with references. A sequence from oval to rectangular buildings is
indicated at Veii (Bartoloni 2009b: 65) and hinted at in the case of Caere (Maggiani and
Rizzo 2005: 182).
15 Bonghi Jovino (2010: 163–5) stresses the ritual or cult dimension of EIA fi nds from Civita.
However, cult and domestic functions could still be in close proximity in this period (Leighton
2004: 40); for ritual activities beside EIA dwellings at Caere, see Izzet 1999–2000: 136.
16 For example, Bartoloni 2007–8; Boitani et al. 2007–8 (Veii); Bonghi Jovino 2007–8
(Tarquinia).
17 For example, as at Sorgenti della Nova (Negroni Catacchio and Cardosa 2007: 56–9).
18 Boitani 2007–8: 836–8; Boitani 2008: 139–42. Defensive walls were probably widespread
in Italy from the Late Bronze Age onward, and are also attested by impressive constructions
at EIA Bologna (Ortalli 2008).

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