- Enrico Benelli –
at least from the mid-twentieth century. The Etruscan slave had an individual name
followed by his/her master’s name in the genitive case. In the Archaic period a name
formula of that kind could be easily confused with the one currently used by freeborn
people (often displaying the “afunctional genitive” -s ending): this is why an enclytic
pronoun -sa (not to be confused with the determinate article -śa) was added to the
master’s name. We know, for instance, of a Kape Mukaθesa, Kape (slave) of a Mukaθe
(CIE 11147 = ET Vc 6.1), and of an Aranθ Heracanasa, Aranθ (slave) of a Heracana (REE
30, p. 284, 1 = ET Ta 7.12^38 ). In the later period, when only a handful of praenomina
were deemed acceptable for freeborn people, and the “afunctional genitive” was gradually
dropped, it had become impossible to make such mistakes; the enclytic -sa consequently
disappeared. Epigraphic documents mentioning slaves are very uncommon: a Murila
Hercnas making a luxurious dedication in a sanctuary of Tarquinii (CIE 10007 = ET Ta
3.6)^39 , a Tasma Śatnas buried near Bagnoregio, in the territory of Volsinii (REE 35, p. 546
= ET Vs 1.257), and an Antipater Cicuś buried in the territory of Clusium (CIE 2004 = ET
Cl 1.1502) are the only individuals clearly recognizable as slaves from a body of evidence
comprising several thousands of inscriptions. Two of their names belong to the Graecanic
type, the third (Tasma) is an Etruscan transcription of a Messapian name,^40 suggesting
the existence of different sources for slaves in Hellenistic age Etruria. A number of slave
names are known also from captions in the famous scene of food preparation for their
masters’ (Underworld) banquet painted on the walls of the Tomb Golini I at Porano
(near Orvieto).^41 In addition to these instances, it must be taken into account that at least
some of the many isolated names commonly found in proprietary inscriptions could have
belonged to slaves (or freedpersons), but it is impossible to achieve a reasonable degree of
certainty in the absence of a clear indication of a master’s name.
NOTES1 See especially Liébert 2006, with references.
2 Finley 1998, pp. 79–134.
3 Müller 1828, pp. 376–380.
4 Finley 1998, p. 89.
5 See especially Deecke 1884, pp. 35–36.
6 Cortsen 1925, pp. 77–89.
7 See for example Heurgon 1957; Mazzarino 1957; Frankfort 1959.
8 See especially Vetter 1948, c. 66; Rix 1963, p. 371 n. 165; Olzscha 1968. See also Benelli
2003 for a comprehensive history of studies.
9 The best account on this topic is Harris 1971, pp. 114–124.
10 See especially Cartledge 2003, p. 16; Cartledge 2011, with literature.
11 Politics 1330 a 25–8; the idea of helotage as potentially dangerous was already present in
Plato’s Laws: see Garnsey 1996, pp. 53–56.
12 See especially van Wees 2003; Cartledge 2011, pp. 78–82, with references.
13 9.5.4; for a brief review of literary evidence see Benelli 1996.
14 About Thessalian Penestai, after the classical study by Ducat 1994, see especially van Wees
2003, pp. 53–63, and Welwei 2008.
15 See especially Briquel 1993.
16 Diodorus 5.40.3 (to be read in comparison with the famous description by Theopompus, in
Athenaeus 12.14.517d–518b, about scandalous and immoral Etruscan customs); see Liébert
2006, pp. 51–176, with references. The idea that inappropriate behavior by slaves (including
exhibition of wealth and excessive freedom) is a sign of a “degeneration” of slavery, leading