priestess is not led by Lama but is privileged to stand between the two goddesses and
face BaU directly. Followed by an intercessory minor goddess, Geme-Lama faces a
seated goddess, presumably BaU, who extends an overflowing vase to her. In Neo-
Sumerian times, deities frequently present an overflowing vase, a symbol of prosperity
to rulers for their services. This scene presents a visual image of the spiritual authority
of a priestess shown as an equivalent to the political authority of the monarch. Geme-
Lama wears a common fringed robe and her hair is tied up like a court lady rather than
wearing her hair loose and bearing the round thick headband of the en-priestess
discussed above. Her atypical representation has been explained by the likelihood that
Neo-Sumerian eresˇ-digˆir-priestesses of BaU were the wives of the governors, following
the Early Dynastic period tradition when wives of the local rulers were in charge of
BaU’s temple estate (Suter 2007 : 328 ; Westenholz 2009 : 85 ).
The daily, monthly and annual responsibilities of the eresˇ-digˆirpriestess of BaU are
seen in the voluminous accounts of outlays for offerings to the goddess BaU, to other
divinities and to her ancestors. Riding around in her chariot, she visited many shrines.
At the New Moon and Full Moon, monthly funeral libations were poured out at the
various funerary shrines to her ancestors, to her mother (perhaps the previous eresˇ-digˆir
by the name of Geme-BaU, see Sallaberger 1993 : 282 note 1314 ) and to her father
(Sallaberger 1993 : 96 and notes 414 – 5 , 282 f.). A Festival of BaU in the city of Lagasˇ was
observed on New Year’s Day by the time of the rule of Gudea, celebrating the marriage
of the deities Ningˆirsu and BaU. Part of the special activities to celebrate the festival
included the bringing of the bridal gifts. There has been speculation that the part played
by the eresˇ-digˆirin this festival was that of the goddess BaU (Maekawa 1996 : 172 ). Geme-
Lama probably also led the procession during the pilgrimage holidays which included
days of sacrifices to the various gods of the cities and towns of the state of Lagasˇ as well
as offerings at the funerary shrines of past eresˇ-digˆirpriestesses and of the deceased
members of her own family. Other laconic notices refer to activities such as going to
the sheepfold (CT 10 BM 014308 vi 16 ) and accompanying BaU in her excursions.
As chief minister to a male god, the eresˇ-digˆirserved in secondary main temples, the
most important of which was that of Ninurta of Nippur. The title of this particular
priestess is also written solely with the NIN sign in Sumerian context but whether it
should be rendered eres ˇor ninis uncertain (Huber Vulliet 2010 : 139 ).
Lú-mah
̆
The lú-mah
̆
(‘exalted man’), a prominent male cultic functionary, served female and
male deities, some major and some minor (Sallaberger and Huber Vulliet 2003 – 2005 :
628 ). The importance of this position is shown by the assumption of the title lú-mah
of the goddess of writing, Nisaba, probably at Eresˇ, by Lugalzagesi of Umma ̆
(Steinkeller 2003 : 624 ). Although the appearance of the lú-mah
̆
has not yet been
identified in visual imagery, his depiction in literary texts indicates that he was dressed
in linen when he performed his ritual duties: ‘Your lumah
̆- priest does not dress in linen
in your holy giguna-shrine’ (Lament Over Urline 352 , ETCSL 2. 2. 2 ).
In Girsu, the position of the lú-mah
̆ - priest in the service of BaU was subsidiary to
the eresˇ-digˆir-priestess,^25 but in Umma, the lú-mah
̆
was probably superior to the egi-
zi-mah
̆
in the ministry of Sˇara.^26 On the other hand, he was the highest official of the
cult of Inana of Girsu. The information on his religious duties is sparse.–– The ministering clergy ––