trading enclaves of the early second millennium for clues to the nature and meaning
of these earlier networks. The paramount interest of the Assyrian merchants was silver
and gold mined in Anatolia. Donkey caravans made the six-week return trip from
Asˇsˇur laden with high-quality Assyrian and Babylonian textiles and tin for consumers
in Anatolia. The archives of the Assyrian trading enterprise have suggested to many
that an extensive if not comparable exchange network was already in place in the EBA,
into which the Assyrian network naturally coursed. For example, T. Özgüç has
proposed on the basis of the identification of eastern-inspired Syrian bottles and
western-inspired depascups (see below, and Figures 26. 3 and 26. 4 ) that the EBA
settlement of Kültepe had already begun to assume an important role in interregional
trade (Özgüç 1963 : 2 , 1964 : 48 ), for it is well known in the MBA. Efe ( 2007 ) has
described a “Great Caravan Route” across EBA Anatolia based on similar evidence,
with direct reference to the donkey and wagon caravans that were used to transport
metal and textiles in the early second millennium network.
But how similar were the two periods, especially in terms of trade infrastructure (for
Assyrian trade, see Barjamovic 2011 : 15 – 26 )? Did the “Great Caravan Route” across
EBA Anatolia include the well-maintained roads and bridges that are attested in the
MBA Assyrian archives? Did these roads transport well-organized caravans of donkeys
and wagons? Did these caravans pay tariffs to local kingdoms, like they did during the
MBA? Could their safety be ensured, like they were during the MBA? Were these
caravans owned and operated by foreign merchants? Or were they local, or both? These
are not flippant questions although the archaeology of EBA Anatolia clearly cannot
address most of them in any direct way. Such questions demand more careful con-
sideration of the level of foreign investment in trade across EBA Anatolia, on one hand,
and the level of administrative sophistication of EBA Anatolian polities, on the other,
before drawing direct analogies with the Assyrian merchants of the MBA.
Ebla Palace G archivesThere is no question that the emergence of large urban centers like Ebla and Mari in
northern Syro-Mesopotamia affected developments in Anatolia beginning near the
middle of the third millennium. The Ebla Palace G archives reveal a robust and
enterprising economy based on agriculture, viticulture, animal husbandry, and textile
and metallurgical industries. Gold and silver are recorded in the Palace G archives in
impressive quantities. One entry reads “ 1740 minasof gold present” (approx. 870 kg;
Pettinato 1981 : 166 ); another records an annual outlay of silver of 3796 minas, 10 shekels
(approx. 2000 kg; Pettinato 1981 : 167 ). The Eblaites were both manufacturing precious
metal objects, and using silver and gold as media for priced exchange. None of this
metal was mined locally. It is reasonable to infer that this dynamic urban center
pursued economic interests that were linked, if not directly, to societies in EBA
Anatolia.
The kingdom of Ebla maintained contact with other kingdoms located near the
modern border between Turkey and Syria (Figure 26. 1 ). The royal archives at Ebla
recognize royal individuals and agents from the kingdom of Harran. Harran is also
listed as a source of sheep destined for Ebla and other kingdoms (Pettinato 1976 :
147 – 148 ). Carchemish is recorded as both a source of and a destination for textiles
(Pettinato 1976 : 12 , 1981 : 209 , VII. 2 – 4 ). Additionally, in a treaty between Ebla and
–– Christoph Bachhuber ––