coin hoards, appear to demonstrate the developing role of monasteries as market centres
during the tenth century (Sheehan 1998 : 175 ).
The discovery of a decorated sword guard by a diver off the Smalls Reef, some 25 km
off the coast of Pembrokeshire, has provided an indication of stylistic transmission
between Ireland and south Wales in the early twelfth century (Redknap 2000 : 55 ,
85 – 7 ). The lower guard is made of brass with silver and niello decoration in the form of
beasts in profile and snake-like animals, in Insular Urnes style, and was probably made
in Ireland (c. 1100 – 25 ).
Four possible pagan Scandinavian burials of the Viking period have been discovered,
all located close to the coast. Two contained skeletons associated with grave goods:
Talacre, Flintshire (Smith 1931 – 2 ), and Benllech on Anglesey (Williams 1945 ; Edwards
1985 ). A third possible late ninth- or early tenth-century pagan grave has been proposed
as a likely context for a pair of stirrups found at St Mary Hill in the Vale of Glamorgan
(Seaby and Woodfield 1980 ), while a late tenth-/eleventh-century spear and axe found
at Caerwent, Monmouthshire, may have come from a fourth grave (Knight 1996 ).
Excavations by Amgueddfa Cymru–National Museum Wales between 1994 and 2001
at Llanbedrgoch on Anglesey have revealed a strategically sited, fortified settlement near
the coast. This supports Davies’ suggestion of Scandinavian enclaves of small com-
munities centred on Anglesey in the early tenth century, though the extent of their
authority remains unclear. During the first half of the tenth century this settlement was
economically and socially integrated with regional and long-distance exchange networks
which operated around the Irish Sea (Redknap 2000 , 2004 ). Many of the artefacts from
the site are characteristic of Scandinavian or Irish Sea taste, among other objects of
native or Irish type: hack-silver is indicative of an active bullion economy (Figure 29. 2 );
lead weights and items of personal adornment have close parallels at Dublin, Meols,
York and Whithorn, while Chester ware points to trade links with Chester and Viking
Dublin. The site would have been a contained staging post of mutual benefit to both
its Welsh lord and the Vikings, immediately before and during an upsurge in the
importance of Chester as a port in the reign of Æthelstan ( 924 – 39 ), and in particular in
trade with Ireland and the Dublin–Man–Chester sea routes. There is no evidence that
Llanbedrgoch represents the setting up de novo of a temporary or permanent staging
post on fortified or fortifiable ground, within Loyn’s concept of ‘first-stage’ settlement
(Loyn 1992 : 218 ), and it probably has its origins in informal overseas contact prior to
the land-taking attempts of Ingimund and his successors. Llanbedrgoch may be an early
example in an area to the west of Red Wharf Bay of an aristocratic estate centre, or caput,
for the land of a secular lord and a key element in royal regional administration (Longley
2001 ), perhaps with a fiscal and administrative role. The status of the site may even be
considered to be equivalent to that of a royal llys – but without proof of royal ownership
- at the upper end of the settlement hierarchy as a major non-regal lordship within an
expanding Gwynedd.
The discovery of five casually buried skeletons in the enclosure ditch suggests that the
consequences of raiding in the second half of the tenth century may have contributed to
its eventual abandonment. Regular raiding and tribute-taking during the second half of
the tenth century implies that the Scandinavians were the dominant political power
in the region. In the 970 s and 980 s, the Man-based sons of Harald appear to have
effectively controlled Gwynedd, and may have had bases on Anglesey in the 980 s.
Magnus Haraldsson and his brother Guðröð made efforts to gain political control of
–– Mark Redknap––