aristocratic hunting culture with mounted hunters, beaters and packs of dogs spread to
the Merovingian and Carolingian periphery and probably also to the north. Hunting
parks may also be an innovation in Scandinavia brought over from the Continental
hunting culture in the pre-Viking Age. The existence of hunting parks for deer hunting
is indicated by the availability of red deer antler in masses from the seventh century on.
Since a high percentage of antlers found at comb-making sites is shed antler it is most
likely that these numbers of antlers could be collected only in delimited parks (Callmer
2001 ). The importance of hunting with trained birds of prey also increased as a result
of Continental impulses in the same period (Åkerström-Hougen 1981 ; Sten and
Vretemark 1988 ). The Scandinavian uppermost stratum in the Viking Age was familiar
with both these pastimes.
To what extent masculine dress in Viking Age Scandinavia was influenced by
Frankish prototypes is little known. It is less likely that feminine dress was profoundly
influenced before the tenth century. It is however most likely that the intensive inter-
action of south-western Scandinavia with the central parts of the Carolingian Empire in
the middle and second half of the ninth century resulted in a number of imitated
elements of dress on the masculine side. Also the possibility of earlier Merovingian and
Carolingian influences on dress on the highest social level should not be excluded. Here
again our archaeological sources are unfortunately insufficient. There is a better basis for
such considerations when we turn to weapons and sword belts, bandoliers and horse
equipment. Already before the eighth century Scandinavians followed the main trends
in the Continental development of arms and armature although somewhat tardily (see
Arbman 1937 ). Still in the middle of the eighth century sword hilts with parts made of
cast bronze and with animal ornamentation were produced in eastern Scandinavia. In
western Scandinavia a sharp break can be noted in the middle of the century with a
massive import of Carolingian high-quality weapons (as mentioned above in connection
with the Frisian trade), mainly swords and lance-heads. A similar pattern of change
could be noted in the (mainly) Slav lands beyond the eastern border of Carolingia.
Modern Continental, highly efficient arms soon became a standard for warriors all over
Scandinavia. Soon they were also traded or exchanged on the eastern side of the Baltic.
As far as the archaeological sources can inform us this influence is mainly confined to
offensive arms whereas protective weapons remained more traditional. Finds of real
armour are however too few to give us the possibility of judging the question. The
mounted warrior already appears in the Merovingian period if not earlier but only slowly
becomes important. There is much to suggest that mounted troops copying Carolingian
standards were organised in southern Jutland already in the late eighth century. Occa-
sional finds show us that these impulses also reached other parts of Scandinavia such
as Norway. These changes in armaments most probably equalled changes in fight-
ing technique and military culture in general. The cavalry of the Jutish kings may
however have become disorganised as the royal power disintegrated in the second half of
the ninth century.
So far little discussed but very significant is the question of the influences of
Carolingian manorial organisation on the north. For a long time the evaluation of the
level of Carolingian agriculture by historians was very negative and the breakthrough of
west European agriculture with numerous important innovations was dated to the
eleventh century (Devroey 1993 ; cf. Duby 1976 ). During the past twenty years it has
become increasingly clear that, mainly as a result of archaeological studies, the majority
–– Johan Callmer––